_______________________________________________________________
 |
 |  George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography
 |  by Webster Griffin Tarpley; Marianna Wertz; Anton Chaitkin
 |  [ISBN: 0943235057]
 |
 |
 |  With this issue of the New Federalist, Vol. V, No. 39, we
 |  begin to serialize the book, "George Bush: The Unauthorized
 |  Biography," by Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin.
 |  This book will soon be published by "Executive Intelligence
 |  Review".
 |
 |  At the heart of any effort at biography is the attempt to
 |  discover the essence of the subject as a human personality.
 |  The essential character of the subject is what the
 |  biographer must strive to capture, since this is the
 |  indispensable ingredient that will provide coherence to the
 |  entire story whose unity must be provided by the course of a
 |  single human life.
 |
 |  During the preparation of the present work, there was one
 |  historical moment which more than any other delineated the
 |  character of George Bush. The scene was the Nixon White
 |  House during the final days of the Watergate debacle. White
 |  House officials, including George Bush, had spent the
 |  morning of that Monday, August 5, 1974 absorbing the impact
 |  of Nixon's notorious "smoking gun" tape, the recorded
 |  conversation between Nixon and his chief of staff, H.R.
 |  Haldemann, shortly after the original Watergate break-in,
 |  which could now no longer be withheld from the public. In
 |  that exchange of June 23, 1972, Nixon ordered that the CIA
 |  stop the FBI from further investigating how various sums of
 |  money found their way from Texas and Minnesota via Mexico
 |  City to the coffers of the Committee to Re-Elect the
 |  President (CREEP) and thence into the pockets of the
 |  "Plumbers" arrested in the Democratic Party headquarters in
 |  the Watergate building. These revelations were widely
 |  interpreted as establishing a "prima facie" case of
 |  obstruction of justice against Nixon. That was fine with
 |  George, who sincerely wanted his patron and benefactor Nixon
 |  to resign. George's great concern was that the smoking gun
 |  tape called attention to a money-laundering mechanism which
 |  he, together with Bill Liedtke of Pennzoil, and Robert
 |  Mosbacher, had helped to set up at Nixon's request. When
 |  Nixon, in the "smoking gun" tape, talked about "the Texans"
 |  and "some Texas people," Bush, Liedtke, and Mosbacher were
 |  among the most prominent of those referred to. The threat to
 |  George's political ambitions was great.
 |
 |  The White House that morning was gripped by panic. Nixon
 |  would be gone before the end of the week. In the midst of
 |  the furor, White House Congressional liaison William Timmons
 |  wanted to know if everyone who needed to be informed had
 |  been briefed about the smoking gun transcript. In a roomful
 |  of officials, some of whom were already sipping Scotch to
 |  steady their nerves, Timmons asked Dean Burch, "Dean, does
 |  Bush know about the transcript yet?"
 |
 |  "Yes," responded Burch.
 |
 |  "Well, what did he do?" inquired Timmons.
 |
 |  "He broke out into assholes and shit himself to death,"
 |  replied Burch.
 |
 |  In this exchange, which is recorded in Woodward and
 |  Bernstein's "The Final Days," we grasp the essential George
 |  Bush, in a crisis, and for all seasons.
 |
 |  Introduction
 |
 |  The thesis of this book is simple: if George Bush were to be
 |  re-elected in November 1992 for a second term as the
 |  President of the United States, this country and the rest of
 |  the world would face a catastrophe of gigantic proportions.
 |
 |  The necessity of writing this book became overwhelming in
 |  the minds of the authors in the wake of the ghastly
 |  slaughter of the Iraq war of January-February 1991. That war
 |  was an act of savage and premeditated genocide on the part
 |  of Bush, undertaken in connivance with a clique in London
 |  which has, in its historical continuity, represented both
 |  the worst enemy of the long-term interests of the American
 |  people, and the most implacable adversary of the progress of
 |  the human species.
 |
 |  The authors observed George Bush as the Gulf crisis and the
 |  war unfolded, and had no doubt that his enraged public
 |  outbursts constituted real psychotic episodes, indicative of
 |  a deranged mental state that was full of ominous portent for
 |  humanity. The authors were also horrified by the degree to
 |  which their fellow citizens willfully ignored the shocking
 |  reality of these public fits. A majority of the American
 |  people proved more than willing to lend its support to a
 |  despicable enterprise of killing.
 |
 |  By their role-call votes of January 12, 1991, the Senate and
 |  the House of Representatives authorized Bush's planned war
 |  measures to restore the Emir of Kuwait, who owns and holds
 |  chattel slaves. That vote was a crime against God's justice.
 |
 |  This book is part of an attempt to help the American people
 |  to survive this terrible crime, both for the sake of the
 |  world and for their own sake. It is intended as a
 |  contribution to a process of education that might help to
 |  save the American people from the awesome destruction of a
 |  second Bush presidency. It is further intended as a warning
 |  to all citizens that if they fail to deny Bush a second
 |  term, they will deserve what they get after 1993.
 |
 |  As this book goes to press, public awareness of the
 |  long-term depression of the American economy is rapidly
 |  growing. If Bush were re-elected, he would view himself as
 |  beyond the reach of the American electorate; with the
 |  federal deficit rising over a billion dollars a day, a
 |  second Bush administration would dictate such crushing
 |  austerity as to bring the country to the brink of civil war.
 |  Some examples of this point are described in the last
 |  chapter of this book.
 |
 |  Our goal has been to assemble as much of the truth about
 |  Bush as possible within the time constraints imposed by the
 |  1992 election. Time and resources have not permitted us
 |  meticulous attention to certain matters of detail; we can
 |  say, nevertheless, that both our commitment to the truth and
 |  our final product are better than anything anyone else has
 |  been able to muster, including news organizations and
 |  intelligence agencies with capabilities that far surpass our
 |  own.
 |
 |  Why do we fight the Bush power cartel with a mere book? We
 |  have no illusions of easy success, but we were encouraged in
 |  our work by the hope that a biography might stimulate
 |  opposition to Bush and his policies. It will certainly pose
 |  a new set of problems for those seeking to get Bush
 |  re-elected. For although Bush is now what journalists call a
 |  world leader, no accurate account of his actual career
 |  exists in the public domain.
 |
 |  The volume which we submit to the court of world public
 |  opinion is, to the best of our knowledge, the first
 |  book-length, unauthorized biography of George Bush. It is
 |  the first approximation of the truth about his life. This is
 |  the first biography worthy of the name, a fact that says a
 |  great deal about the sinister and obsessive secrecy of this
 |  personage. None of the other biographies (including Bush's
 |  campaign autobiography) can be taken seriously; each of
 |  these books is a pastiche of lies, distortions and
 |  banalities that run the gamut from campaign panegyric, to
 |  the Goebbels Big Lie, to fake but edifying stories for
 |  credulous children. Almost without exception, the available
 |  Bush literature is worthless as a portrait of the subject.
 |
 |  Bush's family pedigree establishes him as a network asset of
 |  Brown Brothers Harriman, one of the most powerful political
 |  forces in the United States during much of the twentieth
 |  century, and for many years the largest private bank in the
 |  world. It suffices in this context to think of Averell
 |  Harriman negotiating during World War II in the name of the
 |  United States with Churchill and Stalin, or of the role of
 |  Brown Brothers Harriman partner Robert Lovett in guiding
 |  John F. Kennedy's choice of his cabinet, to begin to see the
 |  implications of Senator Prescott Bush's post as managing
 |  partner of this bank. Brown Brothers Harriman networks
 |  pervade government and the mass media. Again and again in
 |  the course of the following pages we will see stories
 |  embarrassing to George Bush refused publication, documents
 |  embarrassing to Bush suspiciously disappear, and witnesses
 |  inculpatory to Bush be overtaken by mysterious and
 |  conveniently timed deaths. The few relevant facts which have
 |  found their way into the public domain have necessarily been
 |  filtered by this gigantic apparatus. This pro blem has been
 |  compounded by the corruption and servility of authors,
 |  journalists, news executives and publishers who have
 |  functioned more and more as kept advocates for a
 |  governmental regime of which Bush has been a prominent part
 |  for a quarter-century.
 |
 |  The Red Studebaker Myth
 |
 |  George Bush wants key aspects of his life to remain covert.
 |  At the same time, he senses that his need for coverup is a
 |  vulnerability. The need to protect this weak flank accounts
 |  for the steady stream of fake biographical material
 |  concerning George, as well as the spin given to many studies
 |  that may never mention George directly. Over the past
 |  several months, we have seen a new book about Watergate that
 |  pretends to tell the public something new by fingering Al
 |  Haig as Deep Throat, but ignoring the central role of George
 |  Bush and his business partners in the Watergate affair. We
 |  have a new book by Lt. Col. Oliver North which alleges that
 |  Reagan knew everything about the Iran-Contra affair, but
 |  that George Bush was not part of North's chain of command.
 |  The latter point merely paraphrases Bush's own lame excuse
 |  that he was "out of the loop" during all those illegal
 |  transactions. During the hearings on the nomination of
 |  Robert Gates to become director of Central Intelligence,
 |  nobody had anything new to add about the role of George
 |  Bush, the boss of the National Security Council's Special
 |  Situation Group crisis staff that was a command center for
 |  the whole affair. These charades are peddled to a very
 |  credulous public by operatives whose task goes beyond mere
 |  damage control to mind control -- the "MK" in the
 |  government's MK-Ultra operation.
 |
 |  Part of the free ride enjoyed by George Bush during the 1988
 |  elections is reflected in the fact that at no point in the
 |  campaign was there any serious effort by any of the news
 |  organizations to provide the public with an accurate and
 |  complete account of his political career. At least two
 |  biographies of Dukakis appeared which, although hardly
 |  critical, were not uniformly laudatory either. But in the
 |  case of Bush, all the public could turn to was Bush's old
 |  1980 campaign biography and a newer campaign autobiography,
 |  both of them a tissue of lies.
 |
 |  Early in the course of our research for the present volume
 |  it became apparent that all books and most longer articles
 |  dealing with the life of George Bush had been generated from
 |  a single print-out of thoroughly approved "facts" about Bush
 |  and his family. We learned that during 1979-80, Bush aide
 |  Pete Roussel attempted to recruit biographers to prepare a
 |  life of Bush based on a collection of press releases, news
 |  summaries, and similar pre-digested material. Most
 |  biographical writing about Bush consists merely of the
 |  points from this printout, strung out chronologically and
 |  made into a narrative through the interpretation of
 |  comments, anecdotes, embellishments, or special stylistic
 |  devices.
 |
 |  The canonical Bush-approved printout is readily identified.
 |  One dead giveaway is the inevitability with which the hacks
 |  out to cover up the substance of Bush's life refer to a 1947
 |  red Studebaker which George Bush allegedly drove into
 |  Odessa, Texas in 1948. This is the sort of detail which has
 |  been introduced into Bush's real life in a deliberate and
 |  deceptive attempt to humanize his image. It has been our
 |  experience that any text that features a reference to Bush's
 |  red Studebaker has probably been derived from Bush's list of
 |  approved facts, and is therefore practically worthless for
 |  serious research into Bush's life. We therefore assign such
 |  texts to the "red Studebaker school" of coverup and
 |  falsification.
 |
 |  Some examples? This is from Bush's campaign autobiography,
 |  "Looking Forward," ghost-written by his aide Vic Gold:
 |  "Heading into Texas in my Studebaker, all I knew about the
 |  state's landscape was what I'd seen from the cockpit of a
 |  Vultee Vibrator during my training days in the Navy." [1] 
 |
 |  Here is the same moment as recaptured by Bush's crony
 |  Fitzhugh Green, a friend of the Malthusian financier Russell
 |  Train, in his "George Bush: An Intimate Portrait," published
 |  after Bush had won the presidency: "He (Bush) gassed up his
 |  1948 Studebaker, arranged for his wife and son to follow,
 |  and headed for Odessa, Texas." [2] 
 |
 |  Harry Hurt III wrote the following lines in a 1983 Texas
 |  magazine article that was even decorated with a drawing of
 |  what apparently is supposed to be a Studebaker, but which
 |  does not look like a Studebaker of that vintage at all:
 |  "When George Herbert Walker Bush drove his battered red
 |  Studebaker into Odessa in the summer of 1948, the town's
 |  population, though constantly increasing with newly-arrived
 |  oil field hands, was still under 30,000." [3] 
 |
 |  We see that Harry Hurt has more imagination than many Bush
 |  biographers, and his article does provide a few useful
 |  facts. More degraded is the version offered by Richard Ben
 |  Kramer, whose biography of Bush is expected to be published
 |  during 1992. Cramer was given the unenviable task of
 |  breathing life once more into the same tired old printout.
 |  But the very fact that the Bush team feels that it requires
 |  another biography indicates that it still feels that it has
 |  a potential vulnerability here. Cramer has attempted to
 |  solve his problem by recasting the same old garbage into a
 |  frenetic and hyperkinetic, we would almost say
 |  "hyperthyroid" style. The following is from an excerpt of
 |  this forthcoming book that was published in "Esquire" in
 |  June 1991: "In June, after the College World Series and
 |  graduation day in New Haven, Poppy packed up his new red
 |  Studebaker (a graduation gift from Pres), and started
 |  driving south." [4] 
 |
 |  Was that Studebaker shiny and new, or old and battered?
 |  Perhaps the printout is not specific on this point; in any
 |  case, as we see, our authorities diverge.
 |
 |  Joe Hyams's 1991 romance of Bush at war, the "Flight of the
 |  Avenger," [5]  does not include the obligatory "red
 |  Studebaker" reference, but this is more than compensated for
 |  by the most elaborate fawning over other details of our
 |  hero's war service. The publication of "Flight of the
 |  Avenger," which concentrates on an heroic retelling of
 |  Bush's war record, and ignores all evidence that might tend
 |  to puncture this myth, was timed to coincide with Bush's war
 |  with Iraq. This is a vile tract written with the open
 |  assistance of Bush, Barbara Bush, and the White House staff.
 |  "Flight of the Avenger" recalls the practice of totalitarian
 |  states according to which a war waged by the regime should
 |  be accompanied by propaganda which depicts the regime's
 |  strong man in a martial posture. In any case, this book
 |  deals with Bush's life up to the end of World War II; we
 |  never reach Odessa.
 |
 |  Only one of the full-length accounts produced by the Bush
 |  propaganda machine neglects the red Studebaker story. This
 |  is Nicholas King's "George Bush: A Biography," the first
 |  book-length version of Bush's life, produced as a result of
 |  Pete Roussel's efforts for the 1980 campaign. Nicholas King
 |  had served as Bush's spokesman when he was U.S. Ambassador
 |  to the United Nations. King admits in his preface that he
 |  can be impugned for writing a work of the most transparent
 |  apologetics: "In retrospect," he says , "this book may seem
 |  open to the charge of puffery, for the view of its subject
 |  is favorable all around." [6]  Indeed.
 |
 |  Books about Barbara Bush slavishly rehearse the same details
 |  from the same printout. Here is the relevant excerpt from
 |  the warmly admiring "Simply Barbara Bush: A Portrait of
 |  America's Candid First Lady," written by Donnie Radcliffe
 |  and published after Bush's 1988 election victory: "With
 |  $3,000 left over after he graduated in June, 1948, he headed
 |  for Texas in the 1947 red Studebaker his father had given
 |  him for graduation after George's car died on the highway."
 |  [7] 
 |
 |  Even foreign journalists attempting to inform their publics
 |  about conditions in the United States have fallen victim to
 |  the same old Bush printout. The German author and reporter
 |  Rainer Bonhorst, the former Washington correspondent of the
 |  "Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung," in his 1988 book "George
 |  Bush: The New Man in the White House," named a chapter of
 |  this Bush political biography "To Texas in the Red
 |  Studebaker." Bonhorst writes as follows: "Then there was
 |  still the matter of the red Studebaker. It plays -- right
 |  after the world war effort -- a central role in the life
 |  history of George Bush. It is the history of his rebellion.
 |  The step which made a careless Texan out of a stiff New
 |  Englander, a self-made man out of a patrician's son, born
 |  into wealth.... Thus, George and Barbara Bush, 24 and 23
 |  years old, he having just finished with his studies, she
 |  having prematurely withdrawn from her university and become
 |  a mother a few months earlier, packed their baby and their
 |  suitcases and loaded them into their glaring red Studebaker
 |  coupe.
 |
 |  "|'A supermodern, smart car, certainly somewhat loud for the
 |  New England taste,' the Bushes later recalled. But finally
 |  it departed towards Texas." [8] 
 |
 |  We see that Bonhorst is acutely aware of the symbolic
 |  importance assumed by the red Studebaker in these
 |  hagiographic accounts of Bush's life.
 |
 |  What is finally the truth of the matter? There is good
 |  reason to believe that George Bush did not first come to
 |  Odessa, Texas, in a red Studebaker. One knowledgeable source
 |  is the well-known Texas oil man and Bush campaign
 |  contributor Oscar Wyatt of Houston. In a recent letter to
 |  the "Texas Monthly," Wyatt specifies that "when people speak
 |  of Mr. Bush's humble beginnings in the oil industry, it
 |  should be noted that he rode down to Texas on Dresser's
 |  private aircraft. He was accompanied by his father, who at
 |  that time was one of the directors of Dresser Industries....
 |  I hate it when people make statements about Mr. Bush's
 |  humble beginnings in the oil industry. It just didn't happen
 |  that way," writes Mr. Wyatt. [9]  Dresser was a Harriman
 |  company, and Bush got his start working for one of its
 |  subsidiaries. One history of Dresser Industries contains a
 |  photograph of George Bush with his parents, wife, and infant
 |  son "in front of a Dresser company airplane in West Texas."
 |  [10]  Can this be a photo of Bush's arrival in Odessa during
 |  the summer of 1948? In any case, this most cherished myth of
 |  the Bush biographers is very much open to doubt.
 |
 |  The Roman Propaganda Machine
 |
 |  Fawning biographies of bloodthirsty tyrants are nothing new
 |  in world literature. The red Studebaker school goes back a
 |  long way; these writers of today can be usefully compared
 |  with a certain Gaius Velleius Paterculus, who lived in the
 |  Roman Empire under the emperors Augustus and Tiberius, and
 |  who was thus an approximate contemporary of Jesus Christ.
 |  Velleius Paterculus was an historian and biographer who is
 |  known today, if at all, for his biographical notes on the
 |  Emperor Tiberius, which are contained within Paterculus's
 |  history of Rome.
 |
 |  Paterculus, writing under Tiberius, gave a very favorable
 |  treatment of Julius Caesar, and became fulsome when he came
 |  to write of Augustus. But the worst excesses of flattery
 |  came in Velleius Paterculus's treatment of Tiberius himself.
 |  Here is part of what he writes about that tyrannical ruler:
 |
 |  "Of the transactions of the last sixteen years, which have
 |  passed in the view, and are fresh in the memory of all, who
 |  shall presume to give a full account? ... credit has been
 |  restored to mercantile affairs, sedition has been banished
 |  from the forum, corruption from the Campus Martius, and
 |  discord from the senate-house; justice, equity and industry,
 |  which had long lain buried in neglect, have been revived in
 |  the state; authority has been given to the magistrates,
 |  majesty to the senate, and solemnity to the courts of
 |  justice; the bloody riots in the theatre have been
 |  suppressed, and all men have had either a desire excited in
 |  them, or a necessity imposed on them, of acting with
 |  integrity. Virtuous acts are honored, wicked deeds are
 |  punished. The humble respects the powerful, without dreading
 |  him; the powerful takes precedence of the humble without
 |  condemning him. When were provisions more moderate in price?
 |  When were theb lessings of peace more abundant? Augustan
 |  peace, diffused over all the regions of the east and the
 |  west, and all that lies between the south and the north,
 |  preserves every corner of the world free from all dread of
 |  predatory molestation. Fortuitous losses, not only of
 |  individuals, but of cities, the munificence of the prince is
 |  ready to relieve. The cities of Asia have been repaired; the
 |  provinces have been secured from the oppression of their
 |  governors. Honor promptly rewards the deserving, and the
 |  punishment of the guilty, if slow, is certain. Interest
 |  gives place to justice, solicitation to merit. For the best
 |  of princes teaches his countrymen to act rightly by his own
 |  practice; and while he is the greatest in power, he is still
 |  greater in example.
 |
 |  "Having exhibited a general view of the administration of
 |  Tiberius Caesar, let us now enumerate a few particulars
 |  respecting it.... How formidable a war, excited by the
 |  Gallic chief Sacrovir and Julius Florius, did he suppress,
 |  and with such amazing expedition and energy, that the Roman
 |  people learned that they were conquerors, before they knew
 |  that they were at war, and the news of the victory
 |  outstripped the news of the danger! The African war too,
 |  perilous as it was, and daily increasing in strength, was
 |  quickly terminated under his auspices and direction...."
 |  [11] 
 |
 |  All of this was written in praise of the regime that
 |  crucified Jesus Christ, and one of the worst genocidal
 |  tyrannies in the history of the world. Paterculus, we must
 |  sadly conclude, was a sycophant of the Tiberius
 |  administration. Some of his themes are close parallels to
 |  the propaganda of today's Bush machine.
 |
 |  In addition to feeding the personality cult of Tiberius,
 |  Paterculus also lavished praise on Lucius Aelius Sejanus,
 |  the Prefect of the Praetorian Guard and for many years
 |  Tiberius's number one favorite, second in command, and
 |  likely successor. In many respects Sejanus was not unlike
 |  James Baker III under the Bush regime. While Tiberius spent
 |  all of his time in seclusion on his island of Capri near
 |  Naples, Sejanus assumed day to day control of the vast
 |  empire and its 100 million subjects. Paterculus wrote of
 |  Sejanus that he was "a most excellent coadjutor in all the
 |  toils of government ... a man of pleasing gravity, and of
 |  unaffected cheerfulness ... assuming nothing to himself."
 |  That was the voice of the red Studebaker school in about 30
 |  A.D. Paterculus should have limited his fawning to Tiberius
 |  himself; somewhat later, the emperor, suspecting a coup
 |  plot, condemned Sejanus and had him torn limb from limb in
 |  gruesome retribution.
 |
 |  But why bring up Rome? Some readers may be scandalized by
 |  the things that truth obliges us to record about a sitting
 |  president of the United States. Are we not disrespectful to
 |  this high office? No. One of the reasons for glancing back
 |  at Imperial Rome is to remind ourselves that in times of
 |  moral and cultural degradation like our own, rulers of great
 |  evil have inflicted incalculable suffering on humanity. In
 |  our modern time of war and depression, this is once again
 |  the case. If Caligula was possible then, who could claim
 |  that the America of the New World Order should be exempt?
 |  Let us therefore tarry for a moment with these old Romans,
 |  because they can show us much about ourselves.
 |
 |  In order to find Roman writers who tell us anything reliable
 |  about the first dozen emperors, we must wait until the
 |  infamous Julio-Claudian dynasty of Julius Caesar, Augustus,
 |  Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero, and the rest had
 |  entirely passed from the scene, to be supplanted by new
 |  ruling houses. Tiberius reigned from 14 to 37 A.D.;
 |  Caligula, his designated successor, from 37 to 41 A.D.; and
 |  Nero from 54 to 68 A.D. But the first accurate account of
 |  the crimes of some of these emperors comes from Publius
 |  Cornelius Tacitus in about 115-17 A.D., late in the reign of
 |  the emperor Trajan. It was feasible for Tacitus to write and
 |  publish a more realistic account of the Julio-Claudian
 |  emperors because one of the constant themes of Trajan's
 |  propaganda was to glorify himself as an enlightened emperor
 |  through comparison with the earlier series of bloody
 |  tyrants.
 |
 |  Tacitus manages to convey how the destructiveness of these
 |  emperors in their pe rsonal lives correlated with their mass
 |  executions and their genocidal economic policies. Tacitus
 |  was familiar with the machinery of Roman Imperial power: he
 |  was of senatorial rank, served as consul in Italy in 97
 |  A.D., and was the governor of the important province of
 |  western Anatolia (today's Turkey) which the Romans referred
 |  to simply as Asia. Tacitus writes of Tiberius: "... his
 |  criminal lusts shamed him. Their uncontrollable activity was
 |  worthy of an oriental tyrant. Free-born children were his
 |  victims. He was fascinated by beauty, youthful innocence,
 |  and aristocratic birth. New names for types of perversions
 |  were invented. Slaves were charged to locate and procure his
 |  requirements.... It was like the sack of a captured city."
 |
 |  Tiberius was able to dominate the legislative branch of his
 |  government, the senate, by subversion and terror: "It was,
 |  indeed, a horrible feature of this period that leading
 |  senators became informers even on trivial matters -- some
 |  openly, many secretly. Friends and relatives were as suspect
 |  as strangers, old stories as damaging as new. In the Main
 |  Square, at a dinner-party, a remark on any subject might
 |  mean prosecution. Everyone competed for priority in marking
 |  down the victim. Sometimes this was self-defense, but mostly
 |  it was a sort of contagion, like an epidemic.... I realize
 |  that many writers omit numerous trials and condemnations,
 |  bored by repetition or afraid that catalogues they
 |  themselves have found over-long and dismal may equally
 |  depress their readers. But numerous unrecorded incidents,
 |  which have come to my attention, ought to be known.
 |
 |  "... Even women were in danger. They could not be charged
 |  with aiming at supreme power. So they were charged with
 |  weeping: one old lady was executed for lamenting her son's
 |  death. The senate decided this case.... In the same year the
 |  high price of corn nearly caused riots....
 |
 |  "Frenzied with bloodshed, (Tiberius) now ordered the
 |  execution of all those arrested for complicity with Sejanus.
 |  It was a massacre. Without discrimination of sex or age,
 |  eminence or obscurity, there they lay, strewn about -- or in
 |  heaps. Relatives and friends were forbidden to stand by or
 |  lament them, or even gaze for long. Guards surrounded them,
 |  spying on their sorrow, and escorted the rotting bodies
 |  until, dragged to the Tiber, they floated away or grounded
 |  -- with none to cremate or touch them. Terror had paralyzed
 |  human sympathy. The rising surge of brutality drove
 |  compassion away." [12] 
 |
 |  This is the same Tiberius administration so extravagantly
 |  praised by Velleius Paterculus.
 |
 |  Because of lacunae in the manuscripts of Tacitus's work that
 |  have come down to us, much of what we know of the rule of
 |  Caligula (Gaius Caesar, in power from 37 to 41 A.D.) derives
 |  from "The Lives of the Twelve Caesars," a book by Gaius
 |  Suetonius Tranquillus. The character and administration of
 |  Caligula present some striking parallels with the subject of
 |  the present book.
 |
 |  As a stoic, Caligula was a great admirer of his own
 |  "immovable rigor." His motto was "Remember that I have the
 |  right to do anything to anybody." He made no secret of his
 |  bloodthirsty vindictiveness. Caligula was a fan of the green
 |  team in the Roman arena, and when the crowd applauded a
 |  charioteer who wore a different color, Caligula cried out,
 |  "I wish the Roman people had but a single neck." At one of
 |  his state dinners Caligula burst into a fit of
 |  uncontrollable laughter, and when a consul asked him what
 |  was so funny, he replied that it was the thought that as
 |  emperor Caligula had the power to have the throats of the
 |  top officials cut at any time he chose. Caligula carried
 |  this same attitude into his personal life: whenever he
 |  kissed or caressed the neck of his wife or one of his
 |  mistresses, he liked to remark: "Off comes this beautiful
 |  head whenever I give the word."
 |
 |  Above all, Caligula was vindictive. After his death, two
 |  notebooks were found among his personalpapers, one labelled
 |  "The Sword" and the other labelled "The Dagger." These were
 |  lists of the persons he had proscribed and liquidated, and
 |  were the forerunners of the enemies lists and discrediting
 |  committee of today. Suetonius frankly calls Caligula "a
 |  monster," and speculates on the pyschological roots of his
 |  criminal disposition: "I think I may attribute to mental
 |  weakness the existence of two exactly opposite faults in the
 |  same person, extreme assurance and, on the other hand,
 |  excessive timorousness." Caligula was "full of threats"
 |  against "the barbarians," but at the same time prone to
 |  precipitous retreats and flights of panic. Caligula worked
 |  on his "body language" by "practicing all kinds of terrible
 |  and fearsome expressions before a mirror."
 |
 |  Caligula built an extension of his palace to connect with
 |  the Temple of Castor and Pollux, and often went there to
 |  exhibit himself as an object of public worship, delighting
 |  in being hailed as "Jupiter Latiaris" by the populace. Later
 |  Caligula would officially open temples in his own name.
 |  Caligula was brutal in his intimidation of the senate, whose
 |  members he subjected to open humiliations and covert
 |  attacks; many senators were "secretly put to death." "He
 |  often inveighed against all the Senators alike.... He
 |  treated the other orders with like insolence and cruelty."
 |  Suetonius recites whole catalogues of "special instances of
 |  his innate brutality" toward persons of all walks of life.
 |  He enjoyed inflicting torture, and revelled in liquidating
 |  political opponents or those who had insulted or snubbed him
 |  in some way. He had a taste for capital executions as the
 |  perfect backdrop for parties and banquets. Caligula also did
 |  everything he could to denigrate the memory of the great men
 |  of past epochs, so that their fame could not eclipse his
 |  own: "He assailed mankind of almost every epoch with no less
 |  envy and malice than insolence and cruelty. He threw down
 |  the statues of famous men" and tried to destroy all the
 |  texts of Homer.
 |
 |  Caligula "respected neither his own chastity nor that of any
 |  one else." He was reckless in his extravagance, and soon
 |  emptied out the imperial treasury of all the funds that old
 |  Tiberius had squirreled away there. After that, Caligula
 |  tried to replenish his coffers through a system of spies,
 |  false accusations, property seizures, and public auctions.
 |  He also "levied new and unheard-of taxes," to the point that
 |  "no class of commodities was exempt from some kind of tax or
 |  other." Caligula taxed all foodstuffs, took a fortieth of
 |  the award in any lawsuit, an eighth of the daily wages of
 |  the porters, and demanded that the prostitutes pay him a
 |  daily fee equal to the average price charged to each
 |  individual customer. (It is rumored that this part of
 |  Caligula's career is under study by those planning George
 |  Bush's second term.) Caligula also opened a brothel in his
 |  palace as an additional source of income, which may
 |  prefigure today's White House staff. Among Caligula's more
 |  singular hobbies Suetonius includes his love of rolling and
 |  wallowing in piles of gold coins.
 |
 |  Caligula kept his wife, Caesonia (described by Suetonius as
 |  "neither beautiful nor young") with him until the very end.
 |  But his greatest devotion was to his horse, whom he made
 |  consul of the Roman state. Ultimately Caligula fell victim
 |  to a conspiracy of the Praetorian Guard, led by the tribune
 |  Gaius Chaerea, a man whom Caligula had taken special delight
 |  in humiliating. [13] 
 |
 |  The authors of the present study are convinced that these
 |  references to the depravity of the Roman emperors, and to
 |  the records of that depravity provided by such authors as
 |  Tacitus and Suetonius, are directly germane to our present
 |  task of following the career of a member of the senatorial
 |  class of the Anglo-American elite through the various stages
 |  of his formation and ultimate ascent to imperial power. The
 |  Roman Imperial model is germane because the American ruling
 |  elite of today is far closer to the world of Tiberius and
 |  Caligula than it is to the world of the American Revolution
 |  or the Constitutional Conventionof 1789. The leitmotif of
 |  modern American presidential politics is unquestionably an
 |  imperial theme, most blatantly expressed by Bush in his sl
 |  ogan for 1990, "The New World Order," and for 1991, the "pax
 |  universalis." The central project of the Bush presidency is
 |  the creation and consolidation of a single, universal
 |  Anglo-American (or Anglo-Saxon) empire very directly
 |  modelled on the various phases of the Roman Empire.
 |
 |  The Olympian Delusion
 |
 |  There is one other aspect of the biographical-historical
 |  method of the Graeco-Roman world which we have sought to
 |  borrow. Ever since Thucydides composed his monumental work
 |  on the Peloponnesian War, those who have sought to imitate
 |  his style -- with the Roman historian Titus Livius prominent
 |  among them -- have employed the device of attributing long
 |  speeches to historical personages, even when it appears very
 |  unlikely that such lengthy orations could have been made by
 |  the protagonists at the time. This has nothing to do with
 |  the synthetic dialogue of current American political
 |  writing, which attempts to present historical events as a
 |  series of trivial and banal soap-opera exchanges, which
 |  carry on for such interminable lengths as to suggest that
 |  the authors are getting paid by the word. Our idea of
 |  fidelity to the classical style has simply been to let
 |  George Bush speak for himself wherever possible, through
 |  direct quotation. We are convinced that by letting Bush
 |  express himself directly in this way, we afford the reader a
 |  more faithful -- and damning -- account of Bush's actions.
 |
 |  George Bush might agree that "history is biography,"
 |  although we suspect that he would not agree with any of our
 |  other conclusions. There may be a few peculiarities of the
 |  present work as biography that are worthy of explanation at
 |  the outset.
 |
 |  One of our basic theses is that George Bush is, and
 |  considers himself to be, an oligarch. The notion of
 |  oligarchy includes first of all the idea of a patrician and
 |  wealthy family capable of introducing its offspring into
 |  such elite institutions as Andover, Yale, and Skull and
 |  Bones. Oligarchy also subsumes the self-conception of the
 |  oligarch as belonging to a special, exalted breed of
 |  mankind, one that is superior to the common run of mankind
 |  as a matter of hereditary genetic superiority. This
 |  mentality generally goes together with a fascination for
 |  eugenics, race science and just plain racism as a means of
 |  building a case that one's own family tree and racial stock
 |  are indeed superior. These notions of "breeding" are a
 |  constant in the history of the titled feudal aristocracy of
 |  Europe, especially Britain, towards inclusion in which an
 |  individual like Bush must necessarily strive. At the very
 |  least, oligarchs like Bush see themselves as demigods
 |  occupying a middle ground between the immortals above and
 |  the "hoi polloi" below. The culmination of this insane
 |  delusion, which Bush has demonstrably long since attained,
 |  is the obsessive belief that the principal families of the
 |  Anglo-American elite, assembled in their freemasonic orders,
 |  by themselves directly constitute an Olympian Pantheon of
 |  living deities who have the capability of abrogating and
 |  disregarding the laws of the universe according to their own
 |  irrational caprice. If we do not take into account this
 |  element of fatal and megalomaniac hubris, the lunatic
 |  Anglo-American policies in regard to the Gulf War,
 |  international finance, or the AIDS epidemic must defy all
 |  comprehension.
 |
 |  Part of the ethos of oligarchism as practiced by George Bush
 |  is the emphasis on one's own family pedigree. This accounts
 |  for the attention we dedicate in the opening chapters of
 |  this book to Bush's family tree, reaching back to the
 |  nineteenth century and beyond. It is impossible to gain
 |  insight into Bush's mentality unless we realize that it is
 |  important for him to be considered a cousin, however
 |  distant, of Queen Elizabeth II of the House of
 |  Mountbatten-Windsor and for his wife Barbara to be viewed in
 |  some sense a descendant of President Franklin Pierce.
 |
 |  The Family Firm
 |
 |  For related reasons, it is our special duty to illustrate
 |  the role played in the formation of George Bush as a
 |  personality by his maternal grandfather and uncle, George
 |  Herbert Walker and George Herbert Walker, Jr., and by George
 |  H.W. Bush's father, the late Senator Prescott Bush. In the
 |  course of this task, we must speak at length about the
 |  institution to which George Bush owes the most, the Wall
 |  Street international investment bank of Brown Brothers
 |  Harriman, the political and financial powerhouse mentioned
 |  above. For George Bush, Brown Brothers Harriman was and
 |  remains the family firm in the deepest sense. The formidable
 |  power of this bank and its ubiquitous network, wielded by
 |  Senator Prescott Bush up through the time of his death in
 |  1972, and still active on George's behalf down to the
 |  present day, is the single most important key to every step
 |  of George's business, covert operations, and political
 |  career.
 |
 |  In the case of George Bush, as many who have known him
 |  personally have noted, the network looms much larger than
 |  George's own character and will. The reader will search in
 |  vain for strong principled commitments in George Bush's
 |  personality; the most that will be found is a series of
 |  characteristic obsessions, of which the most durable are
 |  race, vanity, personal ambition, and settling scores with
 |  adversaries. What emerges by contrast is the decisive
 |  importance of Bush's network of connections. His response to
 |  the Gulf crisis of 1991 will be largely predetermined, not
 |  by any great flashes of geopolitical insight, but rather by
 |  his connections to the British oligarchy, to Kissinger, to
 |  Israeli and Zionist circles, to Texas oilmen in his
 |  fundraising base, to the Saudi Arabian and Kuwaiti royal
 |  houses. If the question is one of finance, then the opinions
 |  of J. Hugh Liedtke, Henry Kravis, Robert Mosbacher, T. Boone
 |  Pickens, Nicholas Brady, James Baker III and the City of
 |  London will be decisive. If covert operations and dirty
 |  tricks are on the agenda, then there is a whole stable of
 |  CIA old boys with whom he will consult, and so on down the
 |  line. During much of 1989, despite his control over the
 |  presidency, Bush appeared as a weak and passive executive,
 |  waiting for his networks to show him what it was he was
 |  supposed to do. When German reunification and the crumbling
 |  of the Soviet empire spurred those -- primarily British --
 |  networks into action, Bush was suddenly capable of violent
 |  and daring adventures. As his battle for a second term
 |  approaches, Bush may be showing increasing signs of a
 |  rage-driven self-starter capability, especially when it
 |  comes to starting new wars designed to secure his
 |  re-election.
 |
 |  The United States in Decline
 |
 |  Biography has its own inherent discipline: It must be
 |  concerned with the life of its protagonist, and cannot stray
 |  too far away. In no way has it been our intention to offer
 |  an account of American history during the lifetime of George
 |  Bush. The present study nevertheless reflects many aspects
 |  of that recent history of U.S. decline. It will be noted
 |  that Bush has succeeded in proportion as the country has
 |  failed, and that Bush's advancement has proceeded "pari
 |  passu" with the degradation of the national stage upon which
 |  he has operated and which he has come to dominate. At
 |  various phases in his career, Bush has come into conflict
 |  with persons who were intellectually and morally superior to
 |  him. One such was Senator Ralph Yarborough, and another was
 |  Senator Frank Church. Our study will be found to catalogue
 |  the constant decline in the qualities of Bush's adversaries
 |  as human types until the 1980s, by which time his opponents,
 |  as in the case of Al Haig, are no better than Bush himself.
 |
 |  The exception to this trend is Bush's long-standing personal
 |  vendetta against Lyndon LaRouche, his most consistent and
 |  capable adversary. LaRouche was jailed seven days after
 |  Bush's inauguration in the most infamous political frameup
 |  of recent U.S. history. As our study will document, at
 |  critical moments in Bush's career, LaRouche's political
 |  interventions have frustrated some of Bush's best-laid
 |  political plans: A very clear example is LaRouche's role in
 |  defeating Bush's 1980 presidential bid in the New Hampshire
 |  primary. Over the intervening years, LaRouche has become
 |  George Bush's "man in the iron mask," the principled
 |  political adversary whom Bush seeks to jail and silence at
 |  all costs. The restoration of justice in this country must
 |  include the freeing of Lyndon LaRouche, LaRouche's political
 |  associates, and all the other political prisoners of the
 |  Bush regime.
 |
 |  As for the political relevance of our project, we think that
 |  it is very real. During the Gulf crisis, it would have been
 |  important for the public to know more about Bush's business
 |  dealings with the Royal Family of Kuwait. During the 1992
 |  presidential campaign, as Wall Street's recent crop of
 |  junk-bond assisted leveraged buyouts line up at the entrance
 |  to bankruptcy court, and state workers all across the United
 |  States are informed that the retirement pensions they had
 |  been promised will never be paid, the relations between
 |  George Bush and Henry Kravis will surely constitute an
 |  explosive political issue. Similarly, once Bush's British
 |  and Kissingerian pedigree is recognized, the methods he is
 |  likely to pursue in regard to situations such as the planned
 |  Romanian-style overthrow of the Castro regime in Cuba, or
 |  the provocation of a splendid little nuclear war involving
 |  North Korea, or of a new Indo-Pakistani war, will hardly be
 |  mysterious.
 |
 |  The authors have been at some pains to make this work
 |  intelligible to readers around the world. We offer this book
 |  to those who share our aversion to the
 |  imperialist-colonialist New World Order, and our profound
 |  horror at the concept of a return to a single, worldwide
 |  Roman Empire as suggested by Bush's "pax universalis"
 |  slogan. This work is tangible evidence that there is an
 |  opposition to Bush inside the United States, and that the
 |  new Caligula is very vulnerable indeed on the level of the
 |  exposure of his own misdeeds.
 |
 |  It will be argued that this book should have been published
 |  before the 1988 election, when a Bush presidency might have
 |  been avoided. That is certainly true, but it is an objection
 |  which should also be directed to many institutions and
 |  agencies whose resources far surpass our modest
 |  capabilities. We can only remind our fellow citizens that
 |  when he asks for their votes for his re-election, George
 |  Bush also enters that court of public opinion in which he is
 |  obliged to answer their questions. They should not waste
 |  this opportunity to grill him on all aspects of his career
 |  and future intentions, since it is Bush who comes forward
 |  appealing for their support. To aid in this process, we have
 |  provided a list of Twenty Questions for Candidate George
 |  Bush on the campaign trail, and this will be found in the
 |  appendix.
 |
 |  We do not delude ourselves that we have said the last word
 |  about George Bush. But we have for the first time sketched
 |  out at least some of the most salient features and gathered
 |  them into a comprehensible whole. We encourage an aroused
 |  citizenry, as well as specialized researchers, to improve
 |  upon what we have been able to accomplish. In so doing, we
 |  recall the words of the Florentine Giovanni Boccaccio when
 |  he reluctantly accepted the order of a powerful king to
 |  produce an account of the old Roman Pantheon: "If I don't
 |  succeed completely in this exposition, at least I will
 |  provide a stimulus for the better work of others who are
 |  wiser." -- Boccaccio, "Genealogy of the National Gods"
 |
 |  "To be continued."
 |
 |  Notes
 |
 |  1. George Bush and Vic Gold, "Looking Forward," (New York:
 |  Doubleday, 1987), p. 47.
 |
 |  2. Fitzhugh Green, "Looking Forward," (New York: Hippocrene,
 |  1989), p. 53.
 |
 |  3. Harry Hurt III, "George Bush, Plucky Lad," "Texas
 |  Monthly," June, 1983, p. 142.
 |
 |  4. Richard Ben Cramer, "How He Got Here," "Esquire," June,
 |  1991, p. 84.
 |
 |  5. Joe Hyams, "Flight of the Avenger" (New York, 1991).
 |
 |  6. Nicholas King, "George Bush: A Biography" (New York,
 |  Dodd, Mead, 1980), p. xi.
 |
 |  7. Donnie Radcliffe, "Simply Barbara Bush," (New York:
 |  Warner, 1989), p. 103.
 |
 |  8. Rainer Bonhorst, "George Bush, Der Neue Mann im Weissen
 |  Haus," (Bergisch Gladbach: Gustav Luebbe Verlag, 1988), pp.
 |  80-81.
 |
 |  9. See "The Roar of the Crowd," "Texas Monthly," November,
 |  1991. See also Jan Jarboe, "Meaner Than a Junkyard Dog,"
 |  "Texas Monthly," April 1991, p. 122 ff. Here Wyatt observes:
 |  "I knew from the beginning George Bush came to Texas only
 |  because he was politically ambitious. He flew out here on an
 |  airplane owned by Dresser Industries. His daddy was a member
 |  of the board of Dresser."
 |
 |  10. Darwin Payne, "Initiative in Energy" (New York: Simon
 |  and Shuster, 1979), p. 233.
 |
 |  11. John Selby Watson (translator), "Sallust, Florus, and
 |  Velleius Paterculus" (London: George Bell and Son, 1879),
 |  pp. 542-46.
 |
 |  12. Cornelius Tacitus, "The Annals of Imperial Rome"
 |  (Penguin, 1962), pp. 193-221.
 |
 |  13. Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, "The Lives of the Twelve
 |  Caesars" (New York: Modern Library, 1931), pp. 165-204, "
 |  passim.
 |
 |
 |  CHAPTER 2
 |
 |  THE HITLER PROJECT
 |
 |  Bush Property Seized -- Trading with the Enemy
 |
 |  In October 1942, ten months after entering World War II,
 |  America was preparing its first assault against Nazi
 |  military forces. Prescott Bush was managing partner of Brown
 |  Brothers Harriman. His 18-year-old son George, the future
 |  U.S. President, had just begun training to become a naval
 |  pilot.
 |
 |  On October 20, 1942, the U.S. government ordered the seizure
 |  of Nazi German banking operations in New York City which
 |  were being conducted by Prescott Bush.
 |
 |  Under the "Trading with the Enemy Act", the government took
 |  over the "Union Banking Corporation," in which Bush was a
 |  director. The U.S. Alien Property Custodian seized Union
 |  Banking Corp.'s stock shares, all of which were owned by
 |  Prescott Bush, E. Roland "Bunny" Harriman, three Nazi
 |  executives, and two other associates of Bush. [1] 
 |
 |  The order seizing the bank "vest[ed] [seized] all of the
 |  capital stock of Union Banking Corporation, a New York
 |  corporation," and named the holders of its shares as:
 |
 |     *  "E. Roland Harriman -- 3991 shares." Harriman was
 |  chairman and director of Union Banking Corp. (UBC); this is
 |  "Bunny" Harriman, described by Prescott Bush as a place
 |  holder who didn't get much into banking affairs; Prescott
 |  managed his personal investments.
 |
 |     *  "Cornelis Lievense -- 4 shares." Lievense was
 |  president and director of UBC, and a New York resident
 |  banking functionary for the Nazis.
 |
 |     *  "Harold D. Pennington -- 1 share." Pennington was
 |  treasurer and director of UBC, and an office manager
 |  employed by Bush at Brown Brothers Harriman.
 |
 |     *  "Ray Morris -- 1 share." Morris was director of UBC,
 |  and a partner of Bush and the Harrimans.
 |
 |     *  "Prescott S. Bush -- 1 share." Bush was director of
 |  UBC, which was co-founded and sponsored by his father-in-law
 |  George Walker; he was senior managing partner for E. Roland
 |  Harriman and Averell Harriman.
 |
 |     *  "H.J. Kouwenhoven -- 1 share" Kouwenhoven was director
 |  of UBC; he organized UBC as the emissary of Fritz Thyssen in
 |  negotiations with George Walker and Averell Harriman; he was
 |  also managing director of UBC's Netherlands affiliate under
 |  Nazi occupation; industrial executive in Nazi Germany, and
 |  also director and chief foreign financial executive of the
 |  German Steel Trust.
 |
 |     *  "Johann G. Groeninger -- 1 share." Groeninger was
 |  director of UBC and of its Netherlands affiliate; he was an
 |  industrial executive in Nazi Germany.
 |
 |  The order also specified: "all of which shares are held for
 |  the benefit of ... members of the Thyssen family, [and] is
 |  property of nationals ... of a designated enemy country...."
 |
 |  By October 26, 1942, U.S. troops were underway for North
 |  Africa. On October 28, the government issued orders seizing
 |  two Nazi front organizations run by the Bush-Harriman bank:
 |  the "Holland-American Trading Corporation" and the "Seamless
 |  Steel Equipment Corporation." [2] 
 |
 |  U.S. forces landed under fire near Algiers on November 8,
 |  1942; heavy combat raged throughout November. Nazi interests
 |  in the "Silesian-American Corporation," long managed by
 |  Prescott Bush and his father-in-law George Herbert Walker,
 |  were seized under the Trading with the Enemy Act on November
 |  17, 1942. In this action, the government announced that it
 |  was seiz ing only the Nazi interests, leaving the Nazis'
 |  U.S. partners to carry on the business. [3] 
 |
 |  These and other actions taken by the U.S. government in
 |  wartime were, tragically, too little and too late. President
 |  Bush's family had already played a central role in financing
 |  and arming Adolf Hitler for his takeover of Germany; in
 |  financing and managing the buildup of Nazi war industries
 |  for the conquest of Europe and war against the U.S.A.; and
 |  in the development of Nazi genocide theories and racial
 |  propaganda, with their well-known results.
 |
 |  The facts presented here must be known, and their
 |  implications reflected upon, for a proper understanding of
 |  President George Herbert Walker Bush and of the danger to
 |  mankind that he represents. The President's family fortune
 |  was largely a result of the Hitler project. The powerful
 |  Anglo-American family associations, which later boosted him
 |  into the Central Intelligence Agency and up to the White
 |  House, were his father's partners in the Hitler project.
 |
 |  President Franklin Roosevelt's Alien Property Custodian, Leo
 |  T. Crowley, signed Vesting Order Number 248 seizing the
 |  property of Prescott Bush under the Trading with Enemy Act.
 |  The order, published in obscure government record books and
 |  kept out of the news, [4]  explained nothing about the Nazis
 |  involved; only that the Union Banking Corporation was run
 |  for the "Thyssen family" of "Germany and/or Hungary" --
 |  "nationals ... of a designated enemy country."
 |
 |  By deciding that Prescott Bush and the other directors of
 |  the Union Banking Corp. were legally "front men for the
 |  Nazis", the government avoided the more important historical
 |  issue: In what way "were Hitler's Nazis themselves hired,
 |  armed, and instructed by" the New York and London clique of
 |  which Prescott Bush was an executive manager? Let us examine
 |  the Harriman-Bush Hitler project from the 1920s until it was
 |  partially broken up, to seek an answer for that question.
 |
 |  2. Origin and Extent of the Project
 |
 |  Fritz Thyssen and his business partners are universally
 |  recognized as the most important German financiers of Adolf
 |  Hitler's takeover of Germany. At the time of the order
 |  seizing the Thyssen family's Union Banking Corp., Mr. Fritz
 |  Thyssen had already published his famous book, "I Paid
 |  Hitler", [5]  admitting that he had financed Adolf Hitler
 |  and the Nazi movement since October 1923. Thyssen's role as
 |  the leading early backer of Hitler's grab for power in
 |  Germany had been noted by U.S. diplomats in Berlin in 1932.
 |  [6]  The order seizing the Bush-Thyssen bank was curiously
 |  quiet and modest about the identity of the perpetrators who
 |  had been nailed.
 |
 |  But two weeks before the official order, government
 |  investigators had reported secretly that "W. Averell
 |  Harriman was in Europe sometime prior to 1924 and at that
 |  time became acquainted with Fritz Thyssen, the German
 |  industrialist." Harriman and Thyssen agreed to set up a bank
 |  for Thyssen in New York. "[C]ertain of [Harriman's]
 |  associates would serve as directors...." Thyssen agent "H.J.
 |  Kouwenhoven ... came to the United States ... prior to 1924
 |  for conferences with the Harriman Company in this
 |  connection...." [7] 
 |
 |  When exactly was "Harriman in Europe sometime prior to
 |  1924"? In fact, he was in Berlin in 1922 to set up the
 |  Berlin branch of W.A. Harriman & Co. under George Walker's
 |  presidency.
 |
 |  The Union Banking Corporation was established formally in
 |  1924, as a unit in the Manhattan offices of W.A. Harriman &
 |  Co., interlocking with the Thyssen-owned "Bank voor Handel
 |  en Scheepvaart" (BHS) in the Netherlands. The investigators
 |  concluded that "the Union Banking Corporation has since its
 |  inception handled funds chiefly supplied to it through the
 |  Dutch bank by the Thyssen interests for American
 |  investment."
 |
 |  Thus by personal agreement between Averell Harriman and
 |  Fritz Thyssen in 1922, W.A. Harriman & Co. (alias Union
 |  Banking Corporation) would be transferring funds back and
 |  forth between New York and the "Thyssen interests" in
 |  Germany. By putting up about $400,000, the Harriman
 |  organization would be joint owner and manager of Thyssen's
 |  banking operations outside of Germany.
 |
 |  "How important was the Nazi enterprise for which President
 |  Bush's father was the New York banker?"
 |
 |  The 1942 U.S. government investigative report said that
 |  Bush's Nazi-front bank was an interlocking concern with the
 |  Vereinigte Stahlwerke (United Steel Works Corporation or
 |  "German Steel Trust") led by Fritz Thyssen and his two
 |  brothers. After the war, congressional investigators probed
 |  the Thyssen interests, Union Banking Corp. and related Nazi
 |  units. The investigation showed that the Vereinigte
 |  Stahlwerke had produced the following approximate
 |  proportions of total German national output: "50.8% of Nazi
 |  Germany's pig iron; 41.4% of Nazi Germany's universal plate;
 |  36.0% of Nazi Germany's heavy plate; 38.5% of Nazi Germany's
 |  galvanized sheet; 45.5% of Nazi Germany's pipes and tubes;
 |  22.1% of Nazi Germany's wire; 35.0% of Nazi Germany's
 |  explosives." [8] 
 |
 |  This accounts for many, many Nazi submarines, bombs, rifles,
 |  gas chambers, etc.
 |
 |  Prescott Bush became vice president of W.A. Harriman & Co.
 |  in 1926. That same year, a friend of Harriman and Bush set
 |  up a giant new organization for their client Fritz Thyssen,
 |  prime sponsor of politician Adolf Hitler. The new "German
 |  Steel Trust," Germany's largest industrial corporation, was
 |  organized in 1926 by Wall Street banker Clarence Dillon.
 |  Dillon was the old comrade of Prescott Bush's father Sam
 |  Bush from the "Merchants of Death" bureau in World War I.
 |
 |  In return for putting up $70 million to create his
 |  organization, majority owner Thyssen gave the Dillon Read
 |  company two or more representatives on the board of the new
 |  Steel Trust. [9] 
 |
 |  Thus there is a division of labor: Thyssen's own
 |  confidential accounts, for political and related purposes,
 |  were run through the Walker-Bush organization; the Steel
 |  Trust did its corporate banking through Dillon Read.
 |
 |  - * * * -
 |
 |  The Walker-Bush firm's banking activities were not just
 |  politically neutral money-making ventures which happened to
 |  coincide with the aims of German Nazis. All of the firm's
 |  European business in those days was organized around
 |  anti-democratic political forces.
 |
 |  In 1927, criticism of their support for totalitarianism drew
 |  this retort from Bert Walker, written from Kennebunkport to
 |  Averell Harriman: "It seems to me that the suggestion in
 |  connection with Lord Bearsted's views that we withdraw from
 |  Russia smacks somewhat of the impertinent.... I think that
 |  we have drawn our line and should hew to it." [10] 
 |
 |  Averell Harriman met with Italy's fascist dictator, Benito
 |  Mussolini. A representative of the firm subsequently
 |  telegraphed good news back to his chief executive Bert
 |  Walker: "... During these last days ... Mussolini ... has
 |  examined and approved our c[o]ntract 15 June." [11] 
 |
 |  The great financial collapse of 1929-31 shook America,
 |  Germany, and Britain, weakening all governments. It also
 |  made the hard-pressed Prescott Bush even more willing to do
 |  whatever was necessary to retain his new place in the world.
 |  It was in this crisis that certain Anglo-Americans
 |  determined on the installation of a Hitler regime in
 |  Germany.
 |
 |  W.A. Harriman & Co., well-positioned for this enterprise and
 |  rich in assets from their German and Russian business,
 |  merged with the British-American investment house, Brown
 |  Brothers, on January 1, 1931. Bert Walker retired to his own
 |  G.H. Walker & Co. This left the Harriman brothers, Prescott
 |  Bush, and Thatcher M. Brown as the senior partners of the
 |  new Brown Brothers Harriman firm. (The London, England
 |  branch of the Brown family firm continued operating under
 |  its historic name -- Brown, Shipley.)
 |
 |  Robert A. Lovett also came over as a partner from Brown
 |  Brothers. His father, E.H. Harriman's lawyer and railroad
 |  chief, had been on the War Industries Board with Prescott's
 |  father. Though he remained a partner in Brown Brothers
 |  Harriman, the junior Lovett soon replaced his father as
 |  chief exexcutive of Union Pacific Railroad.
 |
 |  Brown Brothers had a racial tradition that fitted it well
 |  for the Hitler project. American patriots had cursed its
 |  name back in Civil War days. Brown Brothers, with offices in
 |  the U.S.A. and in Engla nd, had carried on their ships fully
 |  75 percent of the slave cotton from the American South over
 |  to British mill owners; through their usurious credit they
 |  controlled and manipulated the slave-owners.
 |
 |  Now, in 1931, the virtual dictator of world finance, Bank of
 |  England Governor Montagu Collet Norman, was a former Brown
 |  Brothers partner, whose grandfather had been boss of Brown
 |  Brothers during the U.S. Civil War. Montagu Norman was known
 |  as the most avid of Hitler's supporters within British
 |  ruling circles, and Norman's intimacy with this firm was
 |  essential to his management of the Hitler project.
 |
 |  In 1931, while Prescott Bush ran the New York office of
 |  Brown Brothers Harriman, Prescott's partner was Montagu
 |  Norman's intimate friend Thatcher Brown. The Bank of England
 |  chief always stayed at the home of Prescott's partner on his
 |  hush-hush trips to New York. Prescott Bush concentrated on
 |  the firm's German actitivites, and Thatcher Brown saw to
 |  their business in old England, under the guidance of his
 |  mentor Montagu Norman. [12] 
 |
 |  3. Hitler's Ladder to Power
 |
 |  Adolf Hitler became Chancellor of Germany January 30, 1933,
 |  and absolute dictator in March 1933, after two years of
 |  expensive and violent lobbying and electioneering. Two
 |  affiliates of the Bush-Harriman organization played great
 |  parts in this criminal undertaking: Thyssen's German Steel
 |  Trust; and the Hamburg-Amerika Line and several of its
 |  executives. [13] 
 |
 |  Let us look more closely at the Bush family's German
 |  partners.
 |
 |  "Fritz Thyssen" told Allied interrogators after the war
 |  about some of his financial support for the Nazi Party: "In
 |  1930 or 1931 ... I told [Hitler's deputy Rudolph] Hess ... I
 |  would arrange a credit for him with a Dutch bank in
 |  Rotterdam, the Bank fussaur Handel und Schiff [i.e. Bank
 |  voor Handel en Scheepvaart (BHS), the Harriman-Bush
 |  affiliate]. I arranged the credit ... he would pay it back
 |  in three years.... I chose a Dutch bank because I did not
 |  want to be mixed up with German banks in my position, and
 |  because I thought it was better to do business with a Dutch
 |  bank, and I thought I would have the Nazis a little more in
 |  my hands....
 |
 |  "The credit was about 250-300,000 [gold] marks -- about the
 |  sum I had given before. The loan has been repaid in part to
 |  the Dutch bank, but I think some money is still owing on
 |  it...." [14] 
 |
 |  The overall total of Thyssen's political donations and loans
 |  to the Nazis was well over a million dollars, including
 |  funds he raised from others -- in a period of terrible
 |  money-shortage in Germany.
 |
 |  "Friedrich Flick" was the major co-owner of the German Steel
 |  Trust with Fritz Thyssen, Thyssen's longtime collaborator
 |  and sometime competitor. In preparation for the war crimes
 |  tribunal at Nuremberg, the U.S. government said that Flick
 |  was "one of leading financiers and industrialists who from
 |  1932 contributed large sums to the Nazi Party ... member of
 |  'Circle of Friends' of Himmler who contributed large sums to
 |  the SS." [15] 
 |
 |  Flick, like Thyssen, financed the Nazis to maintain their
 |  private armies called Schutzstaffel (S.S. or Black Shirts)
 |  and Sturmabteilung (S.A., storm troops or Brown Shirts).
 |
 |  The Flick-Harriman partnership was directly supervised by
 |  Prescott Bush, President Bush's father, and by George
 |  Walker, President Bush's grandfather.
 |
 |  The Harriman-Walker Union Banking Corp. arrangements for the
 |  German Steel Trust had made them bankers for Flick and his
 |  vast operations in Germany by no later than 1926.
 |
 |  The "Harriman Fifteen Corporation" (George Walker,
 |  president, Prescott Bush and Averell Harriman, sole
 |  directors) held a substantial stake in the Silesian Holding
 |  Co. at the time of the merger with Brown Brothers, January
 |  1, 1931. This holding correlated to Averell Harriman's
 |  chairmanship of the "Consolidated Silesian Steel
 |  Corporation," the American group owning one-third of a
 |  complex of steelmaking, coal-mining and zinc-mining
 |  activities in Germany and Poland, in which Friedrich Flick
 |  owned two-thirds. [16] 
 |
 |  The Nuremberg prosecutor characterized Flick as follows:
 |
 |  "Proprietor and head of a large group of industrial
 |  enterprises (coal and iron mines, steel producing and
 |  fabricating plants) ... 'Wehrwirtschaftsfuehrer,' 1938
 |  [title awarded to prominent industrialists for merit in
 |  armaments drive -- 'Military Economy Leader']...." [17] 
 |
 |  For this buildup of the Hitler war machine with coal, steel,
 |  and arms production, using slave laborers, the Nazi Flick
 |  was condemned to seven years in prison at the Nuremberg
 |  trials; he served three years. With friends in New York and
 |  London, however, Flick lived into the 1970s and died a
 |  billionaire.
 |
 |  On March 19, 1934, Prescott Bush -- then director of the
 |  German Steel Trust's Union Banking Corporation -- initiated
 |  an alert to the absent Averell Harriman about a problem
 |  which had developed in the Flick partnership. [18]  Bush
 |  sent Harriman a clipping from the "New York Times" of that
 |  day, which reported that the Polish government was fighting
 |  back against American and German stockholders who controlled
 |  "Poland's largest industrial unit, the Upper Silesian Coal
 |  and Steel Company...."
 |
 |  The "Times" article continued: "The company has long been
 |  accused of mismanagement, excessive borrowing, fictitious
 |  bookkeeping and gambling in securities. Warrants were issued
 |  in December for several directors accused of tax evasions.
 |  They were German citizens and they fled. They were replaced
 |  by Poles. Herr Flick, regarding this as an attempt to make
 |  the company's board entirely Polish, retaliated by
 |  restricting credits until the new Polish directors were
 |  unable to pay the workmen regularly."
 |
 |  The "Times" noted that the company's mines and mills "employ
 |  25,000 men and account for 45 percent of Poland's total
 |  steel output and 12 percent of her coal production.
 |  Two-thirds of the company's stock is owned by Friedrich
 |  Flick, a leading German steel industrialist, and the
 |  remainder is owned by interests in the United States."
 |
 |  In view of the fact that a great deal of Polish output was
 |  being exported to Hitler's Germany under depression
 |  conditions, the Polish government thought that Bush,
 |  Harriman, and their Nazi partners should at least pay full
 |  taxes on their Polish holdings. The U.S. and Nazi owners
 |  responded with a lockout. The letter to Harriman in
 |  Washington reported a cable from their European
 |  representative: "Have undertaken new steps London Berlin ...
 |  please establish friendly relations with Polish Ambassador
 |  [in Washington]."
 |
 |  A 1935 Harriman Fifteen Corporation memo from George Walker
 |  announced an agreement had been made "in Berlin" to sell an
 |  8,000 block of their shares in Consolidated Silesian Steel.
 |  [19]  But the dispute with Poland did not deter the Bush
 |  family from continuing its partnership with Flick.
 |
 |  Nazi tanks and bombs "settled" this dispute in September,
 |  1939 with the invasion of Poland, beginning World War II.
 |  The Nazi army had been equipped by Flick, Harriman, Walker,
 |  and Bush, with materials essentially stolen from Poland.
 |
 |  There were probably few people at the time who could
 |  appreciate the irony, that when the Soviets also attacked
 |  and invaded Poland from the East, their vehicles were fueled
 |  by oil pumped from Baku wells revived by the
 |  Harriman/Walker/Bush enterprise.
 |
 |  Three years later, nearly a year after the Japanese attack
 |  on Pearl Harbor, the U.S. government ordered the seizure of
 |  the Nazis' share in the Silesian-American Corporation under
 |  the Trading with the Enemy Act. Enemy nationals were said to
 |  own 49 percent of the common stock and 41.67 percent of the
 |  preferred stock of the company.
 |
 |  The order characterized the company as a "business
 |  enterprise within the United States, owned by [a front
 |  company in] Zurich, Switzerland, and held for the benefit of
 |  Bergwerksgesellschaft George von Giesche's Erben, a German
 |  corporation...." [20] 
 |
 |  Bert Walker was still the senior director of the company,
 |  which he had founded back in 1926 simultaneously with the
 |  creation of the German Steel Trust. Ray Morris, Prescott's
 |  partner from Union Banking Corp. andBrown Brothers Harriman,
 |  was also a dir ector.
 |
 |  The investigative report prior to the government crackdown
 |  explained the "NATURE OF BUSINESS: The subject corporation
 |  is an American holding company for German and Polish
 |  subsidiaries, which own large and valuable coal and zinc
 |  mines in Silesia, Poland and Germany. Since September 1939,
 |  these properties have been in the possession of and have
 |  been operated by the German government and have undoubtedly
 |  been of considerable assistance to that country in its war
 |  effort." [21] 
 |
 |  The report noted that the American stockholders hoped to
 |  regain control of the European properties after the war.
 |
 |  4. Control of Nazi Commerce
 |
 |  Bert Walker had arranged the credits Harriman needed to take
 |  control of the Hamburg-Amerika Line back in 1920. Walker had
 |  organized the "American Ship and Commerce Corp." as a unit
 |  of the W.A. Harriman & Co., with contractual power over
 |  Hamburg-Amerika's affairs.
 |
 |  As the Hitler project went into high gear, Harriman-Bush
 |  shares in American Ship and Commerce Corp. were held by the
 |  Harriman Fifteen Corp., run by Prescott Bush and Bert
 |  Walker. [22] 
 |
 |  It was a convenient stroll for the well-tanned, athletic,
 |  handsome Prescott Bush. From the Brown Brothers Harriman
 |  skyscraper at 59 Wall Street -- where he was senior managing
 |  partner, confidential investments manager and advisor to
 |  Averell and his brother "Bunny" -- he walked across to the
 |  Harriman Fifteen Corporation at One Wall Street, otherwise
 |  known as G.H. Walker & Co. -- and around the corner to his
 |  subsidiary offices at 39 Broadway, former home of the old
 |  W.A. Harriman & Co., and still the offices for American Ship
 |  and Commerce, and of the Union Banking Corporation.
 |
 |  In many ways, Bush's Hamburg-Amerika Line was the pivot for
 |  the entire Hitler project.
 |
 |  Averell Harriman and Bert Walker had gained control over the
 |  steamship company in 1920 in negotiations with its
 |  post-World War I chief executive, "Wilhelm Cuno", and with
 |  the line's bankers, M.M. Warburg. Cuno was thereafter
 |  completely dependent on the Anglo-Americans, and became a
 |  member of the Anglo-German Friendship Society. In the
 |  1930-32 drive for a Hitler dictatorship, Wilhelm Cuno
 |  contributed important sums to the Nazi Party. [23] 
 |
 |  "Albert Voegler" was chief executive of the Thyssen-Flick
 |  German Steel Trust for which Bush's Union Banking Corp. was
 |  the New York office. He was a director of the Bush-affiliate
 |  BHS Bank in Rotterdam, and a director of the Harriman-Bush
 |  Hamburg-Amerika Line. Voegler joined Thyssen and Flick in
 |  their heavy 1930-33 Nazi contributions, and helped organize
 |  the final Nazi leap into national power. [24] 
 |
 |  The "Schroeder" family of bankers was a linchpin for the
 |  Nazi activities of Harriman and Prescott Bush, closely tied
 |  to their lawyers Allen and John Foster Dulles.
 |
 |  Baron Kurt von Schroeder was co-director of the massive
 |  Thyssen-Huette foundry along with Johann Groeninger,
 |  Prescott Bush's New York bank partner. Kurt von Schroeder
 |  was treasurer of the support organization for the Nazi
 |  Party's private armies, to which Friedrich Flick
 |  contributed. Kurt von Schroeder and Montagu Norman's
 |  proteaageaa Hjalmar Schacht together made the final
 |  arrangments for Hitler to enter the government. [25] 
 |
 |  Baron Rudolph von Schroeder was vice president and director
 |  of the Hamburg-Amerika Line. Long an intimate contact of
 |  Averell Harriman's in Germany, Baron Rudolph sent his
 |  grandson Baron Johann Rudolph for a tour of Prescott Bush's
 |  Brown Brothers Harriman offices in New York City in December
 |  1932 -- on the eve of their Hitler-triumph. [26] 
 |
 |  Certain actions taken directly by the Harriman-Bush shipping
 |  line in 1932 must be ranked among the gravest acts of
 |  treason in this century.
 |
 |  The U.S. Embassy in Berlin reported back to Washington that
 |  the "costly election campaigns" and "the cost of maintaining
 |  a private army of 300,000 to 400,000 men" had raised
 |  questions as to the Nazis' financial backers. The
 |  constitutional government of the German republic moved to
 |  defend national freedom by ordering the Nazi Party private
 |  armies disbanded. The U.S. Embassy reported that the
 |  "Hamburg-Amerika Line was purchasing and distributing
 |  propaganda attacks against the German government, for
 |  attempting this last-minute crackdown on Hitler's forces."
 |  [27] 
 |
 |  Thousands of German opponents of Hitlerism were shot or
 |  intimidated by privately armed Nazi Brown Shirts. In this
 |  connection, we note that the original "Merchant of Death,"
 |  Samuel Pryor, was a founding director of both the Union
 |  Banking Corp. and the American Ship and Commerce Corp. Since
 |  Mr. Pryor was executive committee chairman of Remington Arms
 |  and a central figure in the world's private arms traffic,
 |  his use to the Hitler project was enhanced as the Bush
 |  family's partner in Nazi Party banking and trans-Atlantic
 |  shipping.
 |
 |  The U.S. Senate arms-traffic investigators probed Remington
 |  after it was joined in a cartel agreement on explosives to
 |  the Nazi firm I.G. Farben. Looking at the period leading up
 |  to Hitler's seizure of power, the senators found that
 |  "German political associations, like the Nazi and others,
 |  are nearly all armed with American ... guns.... Arms of all
 |  kinds coming from America are transshipped in the Scheldt to
 |  river barges before the vessels arrive in Antwerp. They then
 |  can be carried through Holland without police inspection or
 |  interference. The Hitlerists and Communists are presumed to
 |  get arms in this manner. The principal arms coming from
 |  America are Thompson submachine guns and revolvers. The
 |  number is great." [28] 
 |
 |  The beginning of the Hitler regime brought some bizarre
 |  changes to the Hamburg-Amerika Line -- and more betrayals.
 |
 |  Prescott Bush's American Ship and Commerce Corp. notified
 |  Max Warburg of Hamburg, Germany, on March 7, 1933, that
 |  Warburg was to be the corporation's official, designated
 |  representative on the board of Hamburg-Amerika. [29] 
 |
 |  Max Warburg replied on March 27, 1933, assuring his American
 |  sponsors that the Hitler government was good for Germany:
 |  "For the last few years business was considerably better
 |  than we had anticipated, but a reaction is making itself
 |  felt for some months. We are actually suffering also under
 |  the very active propaganda against Germany, caused by some
 |  unpleasant circumstances. These occurrences were the natural
 |  consequence of the very excited election campaign, but were
 |  extraordinarily exaggerated in the foreign press. The
 |  Government is firmly resolved to maintain public peace and
 |  order in Germany, and I feel perfectly convinced in this
 |  respect that there is no cause for any alarm whatsoever."
 |  [30] 
 |
 |  This seal of approval for Hitler, coming from a famous Jew,
 |  was just what Harriman and Bush required, for they
 |  anticipated rather serious "alarm" inside the U.S.A. against
 |  their Nazi operations.
 |
 |  On March 29, 1933, two days after Max's letter to Harriman,
 |  Max's son Erich sent a cable to his cousin Frederick M.
 |  Warburg, a director of the Harriman railroad system. He
 |  asked Frederick to "use all your influence" to stop all
 |  anti-Nazi activity in America, including "atrocity news and
 |  unfriendly propaganda in foreign press, mass meetings, etc."
 |  Frederick cabled back to Erich: "No responsible groups here
 |  [are] urging [a] boycott [of] German goods[,] merely excited
 |  individuals." Two days after that, On March 31, 1933, the
 |  "American-Jewish Committee," controlled by the Warburgs, and
 |  the "B'nai B'rith," heavily influenced by the Sulzbergers'
 |  ("New York Times"), issued a formal, official joint
 |  statement of the two organizations, counselling "that no
 |  American boycott against Germany be encouraged, [and
 |  advising] ... that no further mass meetings be held or
 |  similar forms of agitation be employed." [31] 
 |
 |  The American Jewish Committee and the B'nai B'rith (mother
 |  of the "Anti-Defamation League") continued with this
 |  hardline, no-attack-on-Hitler stance all through the 1930s,
 |  blunting the fight mounted by many Jews and other
 |  anti-fascists.
 |
 |  Thus the decisive interchange reproduced above, taking place
 |  entirely within the orbit of the Harriman/Bush firm, may
 |  explain something of the relation ship of George Bush to
 |  American Jewish and Zionist leaders. Some of them, in close
 |  cooperation with his family, played an ugly part in the
 |  drama of Naziism. Is this why "professional Nazi-hunters"
 |  have never discovered how the Bush family made its money?
 |
 |  -* * *-
 |
 |  The executive board of the "Hamburg Amerika Line" "(Hapag)"
 |  met jointly with the North German Lloyd company board in
 |  Hamburg on September 5, 1933. Under official Nazi
 |  supervision, the two firms were merged. Prescott Bush's
 |  American Ship and Commerce Corp. installed Christian J.
 |  Beck, a longtime Harriman executive, as manager of freight
 |  and operations in North America for the new joint Nazi
 |  shipping lines "(Hapag-Lloyd)") on November 4, 1933.
 |
 |  According to testimony of officials of the companies before
 |  Congress in 1934, a supervisor from the "Nazi Labor Front"
 |  rode with every ship of the Harriman-Bush line; employees of
 |  the New York offices were directly organized into the Nazi
 |  Labor Front organization; Hamburg-Amerika provided free
 |  passage to individuals going abroad for Nazi propaganda
 |  purposes; and the line subsidized pro-Nazi newspapers in the
 |  U.S.A., as it had done in Germany against the constitutional
 |  German government. [32] 
 |
 |  In mid-1936, Prescott Bush's American Ship and Commerce
 |  Corp. cabled M.M. Warburg, asking Warburg to represent the
 |  company's heavy share interest at the forthcoming
 |  Hamburg-Amerika stockholders meeting. The Warburg office
 |  replied with the information that "we represented you" at
 |  the stockholders meeting and "exercised on your behalf your
 |  voting power for Rm [gold marks] 3,509,600 Hapag stock
 |  deposited with us."
 |
 |  The Warburgs transmitted a letter received from Emil
 |  Helfferich, German chief executive of both Hapag-Lloyd and
 |  of the Standard Oil subsidiary in Nazi Germany: "It is the
 |  intention to continue the relations with Mr. Harriman on the
 |  same basis as heretofore...." In a colorful gesture, Hapag's
 |  Nazi chairman Helfferich sent the line's president across
 |  the Atlantic on a Zeppelin to confer with their New York
 |  string-pullers.
 |
 |  After the meeting with the Zeppelin passenger, the
 |  Harriman-Bush office replied: "I am glad to learn that Mr.
 |  Hellferich [sic] has stated that relations between the
 |  Hamburg American Line and ourselves will be continued on the
 |  same basis as heretofore." [33] 
 |
 |  Two months before moving against Bush's Union Banking Corp.,
 |  the U.S. government ordered the seizure of all property of
 |  the Hamburg-Amerika Line and North German Lloyd, under the
 |  Trading with the Enemy Act. The investigators noted in the
 |  pre-seizure report that Christian J. Beck was still acting
 |  as an attorney representing the Nazi firm. [34] 
 |
 |  In May 1933, just after the Hitler regime was consolidated,
 |  an agreement was reached in Berlin for the coordination of
 |  all Nazi commerce with the U.S.A. The "Harriman
 |  International Co.," led by Averell Harriman's first cousin
 |  Oliver, was to head a syndicate of 150 firms and
 |  individuals, to conduct "all exports from Hitler's Germany
 |  to the United States". [35] 
 |
 |  This pact had been negotiated in Berlin between Hitler's
 |  economics minister, Hjalmar Schacht, and John Foster Dulles,
 |  international attorney for dozens of Nazi enterprises, with
 |  the counsel of Max Warburg and Kurt von Schroeder.
 |
 |  John Foster Dulles would later be U.S. Secretary of State,
 |  and the great power in the Republican Party of the 1950s.
 |  Foster's friendship and that of his brother Allen (head of
 |  the Central Intelligence Agency), greatly aided Prescott
 |  Bush to become the Republican U.S. senator from Connecticut.
 |  And it was to be of inestimable value to George Bush, in his
 |  ascent to the heights of "covert action government," that
 |  both of these Dulles brothers were the lawyers for the Bush
 |  family's far-flung enterprise.
 |
 |  Throughout the 1930s, John Foster Dulles arranged debt
 |  restructuring for German firms under a series of decrees
 |  issued by Adolf Hitler. In these deals, Dulles struck a
 |  balance between the interest owed to selected, larger
 |  investors, and the needs of the growing Nazi warmaking
 |  apparatus for producing tanks, poison gas, etc.
 |
 |  Dulles wrote to Prescott Bush in 1937 concerning one such
 |  arrangement. The German-Atlantic Cable Company, owning Nazi
 |  Germany's only telegraph channel to the United States, had
 |  made debt and management agreements with the Walker-Harriman
 |  bank during the 1920s. A new decree would now void those
 |  agreements, which had originally been reached with non-Nazi
 |  corporate officials. Dulles asked Bush, who managed these
 |  affairs for Averell Harriman, to get Averell's signature on
 |  a letter to Nazi officials, agreeing to the changes. Dulles
 |  wrote: "Sept. 22, 1937 "Mr. Prescott S. Bush "59 Wall
 |  Street, New York, N.Y.
 |
 |  "Dear Press,
 |
 |  "I have looked over the letter of the German-American [sic]
 |  Cable Company to Averell Harriman.... It would appear that
 |  the only rights in the matter are those which inure in the
 |  bankers and that no legal embarrassment would result, so far
 |  as the bondholders are concerned, by your acquiescence in
 |  the modification of the bankers' agreement.
 |
 |  "Sincerely yours,
 |
 |  "John Foster Dulles"
 |
 |  Dulles enclosed a proposed draft reply, Bush got Harriman's
 |  signature, and the changes went through. [36] 
 |
 |  In conjunction with these arrangements, the German Atlantic
 |  Cable Company attempted to stop payment on its debts to
 |  smaller American bondholders. The money was to be used
 |  instead for arming the Nazi state, under a decree of the
 |  Hitler government.
 |
 |  Despite the busy efforts of Bush and Dulles, a New York
 |  court decided that this particular Hitler "law" was invalid
 |  in the United States; small bondholders, not parties to
 |  deals between the bankers and the Nazis, were entitled to
 |  get paid. [37] 
 |
 |  In this and a few other of the attempted swindles, the
 |  intended victims came out with their money. But the Nazi
 |  financial and political reorganization went ahead to its
 |  tragic climax.
 |
 |  For his part in the Hitler revolution, Prescott Bush was
 |  paid a fortune.
 |
 |  This is the legacy he left to his son, President George
 |  Bush.
 |
 |  Notes
 |
 |  1. Office of Alien Property Custodian, Vesting Order Number
 |  248. Signed by Leo T. Crowley, Alien Property Custodian,
 |  executed October 20, 1942; F.R. Doc. 42-11568; Filed,
 |  November 6, 1942. 7 Fed. Reg. 9097 (November 7, 1942).
 |
 |  The "New York City Directory of Directors", 1930s-40s, list
 |  Prescott Bush as a director of Union Banking Corp. from 1934
 |  through 1943.
 |
 |  2. Alien Property Custodian Vesting Order No. 259: Seamless
 |  Steel Equipment Corporation; Vesting Order Number 261:
 |  Holland-American Trading Corp.
 |
 |  3. Alien Property Custodian Vesting Order No. 370:
 |  Silesian-American Corp.
 |
 |  4. "New York Times," December 16, 1944, ran a five-paragraph
 |  page 25 article on actions of the New York State Banking
 |  Department. Only the last sentence refers to the Nazi bank,
 |  as follows: "The Union Banking Corporation, 39 Broadway, New
 |  York, has received authority to change its principal place
 |  of business to 120 Broadway."
 |
 |  The "Times" omitted the fact that the Union Banking
 |  Corporation had been seized by the government for trading
 |  with the enemy, and the fact that 120 Broadway was the
 |  address of the government's Alien Property Custodian.
 |
 |  5. Fritz Thyssen, "I Paid Hitler", 1941, reprinted in (Port
 |  Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1972), p. 133. Thyssen
 |  says his contributions began with 100,000 marks given in
 |  October 1923, for Hitler's attempted "putsch" against the
 |  constitutional government.
 |
 |  6. Confidential memorandum from U.S. Embassy, Berlin, to the
 |  U.S. Secretary of State, April 20, 1932, on microfilm in
 |  "Confidential Reports of U.S. State Dept., 1930s, Germany,"
 |  at major U.S. libraries.
 |
 |  7. October 5, 1942, Memorandum to the Executive Committee of
 |  the Office of Alien Property Custodian, stamped
 |  CONFIDENTIAL, from the Division of Investigation and
 |  Research, Homer Jones, Chief. Now declassified in United
 |  States National Archives, Suitland, Maryland annex. Note
 |  Record Group 131, Alien Property Custodian, investigative
 |  reports, in file box relating to Vesting Order Number 248.
 |
 |  8. "Elimination of German Resources for War": Hearings
 |  Before a Subcommittee of the Com mittee on Military Affairs,
 |  United States Senate, Seventy-Ninth Congress; Part 5,
 |  Testimony of [the United States] Treasury Department, July
 |  2, 1945. Page 507: Table of Vereinigte Stahlwerke output,
 |  figures are percent of German total as of 1938; Thyssen
 |  organization including Union Banking Corporation pp.
 |  727-731.
 |
 |  9. Robert Sobel, "The Life and Times of Dillon Read" (New
 |  York: Dutton-Penguin, 1991), pp. 92-111. The Dillon Read
 |  firm cooperated in the development of Sobel's book.
 |
 |  10. George Walker to Averell Harriman, August 11, 1927, in
 |  W. Averell Harriman papers, Library of Congress (hereafter
 |  "WAH papers").
 |
 |  11. "Iaccarino" to G. H. Walker, RCA Radiogram Sept. 12,
 |  1927.
 |
 |  12. Andrew Boyle, "Montagu Norman" (London: Cassell, 1967).
 |
 |  Sir Henry Clay, "Lord Norman" (London, MacMillan & Co.,
 |  1957), pp. 18, 57, 70-71.
 |
 |  John A. Kouwenhouven, "Partners in Banking ... Brown
 |  Brothers Harriman" (Garden City: Doubleday & Co., 1969).
 |
 |  13. Coordination of much of the Hitler project took place at
 |  a single New York address. The Union Banking Corporation had
 |  been set up by George Walker at 39 Broadway. Management of
 |  the Hamburg-Amerika Line, carried out through Harriman's
 |  American Ship and Commerce Corp., was also set up by George
 |  Walker at 39 Broadway.
 |
 |  14. Interrogation of Fritz Thyssen, EF/Me/1 of Sept. 4, 1945
 |  in U.S. Control Council records, photostat on page 167 in
 |  Anthony Sutton, "An Introduction to The Order" (Billings,
 |  Mt.: Liberty House Press, 1986).
 |
 |  15. "Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, Supplement B", by the
 |  Office of United States Chief of Counsel for Prosecution of
 |  Axis Criminality, U. S. Government Printing Office,
 |  (Washington, D.C., 1948), pp. 1597, 1686.
 |
 |  16. "Consolidated Silesian Steel Corporation - [minutes of
 |  the] Meeting of Board of Directors," October 31, 1930 (WAH
 |  papers), shows Averell Harriman as Chairman of the Board.
 |
 |  Prescott Bush to W.A. Harriman, Memorandum December 19, 1930
 |  on their Harriman Fifteen Corp.
 |
 |  Annual Report of United Konigs and Laura Steel and Iron
 |  Works for the year 1930 (WAH papers) lists "Dr. Friedrich
 |  Flick ... Berlin" and "William Averell Harriman ... New
 |  York" on the Board of Directors.
 |
 |  "Harriman Fifteen Coporation Securities Position February
 |  28, 1931," WAH papers. This report shows Harriman Fifteen
 |  Corporation holding 32,576 shares in Silesian Holding Co.
 |  V.T.C. worth (in scarce depression dollars) $1,628,800, just
 |  over half the value of the Harriman Fifteen Corporation's
 |  total holdings.
 |
 |  The "New York City Directory of Directors" volumes for the
 |  1930s (available at the Library of Congress) show Prescott
 |  Sheldon Bush and W. Averell Harriman as the directors of
 |  Harriman Fifteen Corp.
 |
 |  "Appointments," (three typed pages) marked "Noted May 18
 |  1931 W.A.H.," (among the papers from Prescott Bush's New
 |  York Office of Brown Brothers Harriman, WAH papers), lists a
 |  meeting between Averell Harriman and Friedrich Flick in
 |  Berlin at 4:00 P.M., Wednesday April 22, 1931. This was
 |  followed immediately by a meeting with Wilhelm Cuno, chief
 |  executive of the Hamburg-Amerika Line.
 |
 |  The "Report To the Stockholders of the Harriman Fifteen
 |  Corporation," October 19, 1933 (WAH papers) names G.H.
 |  Walker as president of the corporation. It shows the
 |  Harriman Fifteen Corp.'s address as 1 Wall Street -- the
 |  location of G.H. Walker and Co.
 |
 |  17. "Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, Supplement B", "op.
 |  cit.," p. 1686.
 |
 |  18. Jim Flaherty (a BBH manager, Prescott Bush's employee),
 |  March 19, 1934 to W.A. Harriman.
 |
 |  "Dear Averell:
 |
 |  "In Roland's absence Pres[cott] thought it adviseable for me
 |  to let you know that we received the following cable from
 |  [our European representative] Rossi dated March 17th
 |  [relating to conflict with the Polish government]...."
 |
 |  19. Harriman Fifteen Corporation notice to stockholders
 |  January 7, 1935, under the name of George Walker, President.
 |
 |  20. Order No. 370: Silesian-American Corp. Executed November
 |  17, 1942. Signed by Leo T. Crowley, Alien Prop. Custodian.
 |  F.R. Doc. 42-14183; Filed, December 31, 1942; 8 Fed. Reg. 33
 |  (Jan. 1, 1943).
 |
 |  The order confiscated the Nazis' holdings of 98,000 shares
 |  of common and 50,000 shares of preferred stock in
 |  Silesian-American.
 |
 |  The Nazi parent company in Breslau, Germany wrote to Averell
 |  Harriman at 59 Wall St. on Aug. 5, 1940, with "an invitation
 |  to take part in the regular meeting of the members of the
 |  Bergwerksgesellsc[h]aft Georg von Giesche's Erben...." WAH
 |  papers.
 |
 |  21. Sept. 25, 1942, Memorandum To the Executive Committee of
 |  the Office of Alien Property Custodian, stamped
 |  CONFIDENTIAL, from the Division of Investigation and
 |  Research, Homer Jones, Chief. Now declassified in United
 |  States National Archives, Suitland, Maryland annex. See
 |  Record Group 131, Alien Property Custodian, investigative
 |  reports, in file box relating to Vesting Order Number 370.
 |
 |  22. George Walker was a director of American Ship and
 |  Commerce from its organization through 1928. Consult "New
 |  York City Directory of Directors".
 |
 |  "Harriman Fifteen Corporation Securities Position February
 |  28, 1931," "op. cit." The report lists 46,861 shares in the
 |  American Ship & Commerce Corp.
 |
 |  See "Message from Mr. Bullfin," August 30, 1934 (Harriman
 |  Fifteen section, WAH papers) for the joint supervision of
 |  Bush and Walker, respectively director and president of the
 |  corporation.
 |
 |  23. Cuno was later exposed by Walter Funk, Third Reich Press
 |  Chief and Under Secretary of Propaganda, in Funk's postwar
 |  jail cell at Nuremberg; but Cuno had died just as Hitler was
 |  taking power. William L. Shirer, L., "The Rise and Fall of
 |  the Third Reich" (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1960), p.
 |  144. "Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, Supplement B", "op.
 |  cit.," p. 1688.
 |
 |  24. See "Elimination of German Resources for War," "op.
 |  cit.," pages 881-882 on Voegler.
 |
 |  See Annual Report of the
 |  (Hamburg-Amerikanische-Packetfahrt-Aktien-Gesellschaft
 |  (Hapag or Hamburg-Amerika Line), March 1931, for the board
 |  of directors. A copy is in the New York Public Library Annex
 |  at 11th Avenue, Manhattan.
 |
 |  25. "Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression -- Supplement B," "op.
 |  cit.," pp. 1178, 1453-1454, 1597, 1599.
 |
 |  See "Elimination of German Resources for War," "op. cit.,"
 |  pp. 870-72 on Schroeder; p. 730 on Groeninger.
 |
 |  26. Annual Report of Hamburg-Amerika, "op. cit."
 |
 |  Baron Rudolph Schroeder, Sr. to Averell Harriman, November
 |  14, 1932. K[night] W[ooley] handwritten note and draft reply
 |  letter, December 9, 1932.
 |
 |  In his letter, Baron Rudolph refers to the family's American
 |  affiliate, J. Henry Schroder [name anglicized], of which
 |  Allen Dulles was a director, and his brother John Foster
 |  Dulles was the principal attorney.
 |
 |  Baron Bruno Schroder of the British branch was adviser to
 |  Bank of England Governor Montagu Norman, and Baron Bruno's
 |  partner Frank Cyril Tiarks was Norman's co-director of the
 |  Bank of England throughout Norman's career. Kurt von
 |  Schroeder was Hjalmar Schacht's delegate to the Bank for
 |  International Settlements in Geneva, where many of the
 |  financial arrangements for the Nazi regime were made by
 |  Montagu Norman, Schacht and the Schroeders for several years
 |  of the Hitler regime right up to the outbreak of World War
 |  II.
 |
 |  27. Confidential memorandum from U.S. Embassy, Berlin, "op.
 |  cit."
 |
 |  28. U.S. Senate "Nye Committee" hearings, Sept. 14, 1934,
 |  pp. 1197-1198, extracts from letters of Col. William N.
 |  Taylor, dated June 27, 1932 and January 9, 1933.
 |
 |  29. American Ship and Commerce Corporation to Dr. Max
 |  Warburg, March 7, 1933.
 |
 |  Max Warburg had brokered the sale of Hamburg-Amerika to
 |  Harriman and Walker in 1920. Max's brothers controlled the
 |  Kuhn Loeb investment banking house in New York, the firm
 |  which had staked old E.H. Harriman to his 1890s buyout of
 |  the giant Union Pacific Railroad.
 |
 |  Max Warburg had long worked with Lord Milner and others of
 |  the racialist British Round Table concerning joint projects
 |  in Africa and Eastern Europe. He was an advisor to Hjalmar
 |  Schacht for several decades and was a top executive of
 |  Hitler's Reichsbank. The reader may consult David Farrer,
 |  "The Warburgs: The Story of A Family" (New York: Stein and
 |  Day, 1975).
 |
 |  30. Max Warburg, at M.M. Warburg and Co., Hamburg, to
 |  Averill [sic] Harriman, c/o Messrs. Brown Brothers Harriman
 |  & Co., 59 Wall Street, New York, N.Y., March 27, 1933.
 |
 |  31. This correspondence, and the joint statement of the
 |  Jewish organizations, are reproduced in Moshe R. Gottlieb,
 |  "American Anti-Nazi Resistance, 1933-41: An Historical
 |  Analysis" (New York: Ktav Publishing House, 1982).
 |
 |  32. "Investigation of Nazi Propaganda Activities and
 |  Investigation of Certain Other Propaganda Activities":
 |  Public Hearings before A Subcommittee of the Special
 |  Committee on Un-American Activities, United States House of
 |  Representatives, Seventy Third Congress, New York City, July
 |  9-12, 1934 -- Hearings No. 73-NY-7 (Washington, D.C., U.S.
 |  Govt. Printing Office, 1934). See testimony of Capt.
 |  Frederick C. Mensing, John Schroeder, Paul von
 |  Lilienfeld-Toal, and summaries by Committee members.
 |
 |  See "New York Times," July 16, 1933, p. 12, for organizing
 |  of Nazi Labor Front at North German Lloyd, leading to
 |  Hamburg-Amerika after merger.
 |
 |  33. American Ship and Commerce Corporation telegram to
 |  Rudolph Brinckmann at M.M. Warburg, June 12, 1936.
 |
 |  Rudolph Brinckmann to Averell Harriman at 59 Wall St., June
 |  20, 1936, with enclosed note transmitting Helferrich's
 |  letter.
 |
 |  Reply to Dr. Rudolph Brinkmann c/o M.M. Warburg and Co, July
 |  6, 1936, WAH papers. The file copy of this letter carries no
 |  signature, but is presumably from Averell Harriman.
 |
 |  34. Office of Alien Property Custodian, Vesting Order Number
 |  126. Signed by Leo T. Crowley, Alien Property Custodian,
 |  executed August 28, 1942. F.R. Doc. 42-8774; Filed September
 |  4, 1942, 10:55 A.M.; 7 F.R. 7061 (Number 176, Sept. 5,
 |  1942.)
 |
 |  July 18, 1942, Memorandum To the Executive Committee of the
 |  Office of Alien Property Custodian, stamped CONFIDENTIAL,
 |  from the Division of Investigation and Research, Homer
 |  Jones, Chief. Now declassified in United States National
 |  Archives, Suitland, Maryland annex. See Record Group 131,
 |  Alien Property Custodian, investigative reports, in file box
 |  relating to Vesting Order Number 126.
 |
 |  35. "New York Times," May 20, 1933. Leading up to this
 |  agreement is a telegram which somehow escaped the shredder.
 |  It is addressed to Nazi official Hjalmar Schacht at the
 |  Mayflower Hotel, Washington, dated May 11, 1933: "Much
 |  disappointed to have missed seeing you Tueday afternoon....
 |  I hope to see you either in Washington or New York before
 |  you sail.
 |
 |  with my regards W.A. Harriman" (WAH papers).
 |
 |  36. Dulles to Bush, letter and draft reply in WAH papers.
 |
 |  37. "New York Times," Jan. 19, 1938.
 |
 |
 |  Chapter 3
 |
 |  RACE HYGIENE:
 |
 |  Three Bush Family Alliances
 |
 |
 |  "The [government] must put the most modern medical means in
 |  the service of this knowledge.... Those who are physically
 |  and mentally unhealthy and unworthy must not perpetuate
 |  their suffering in the body of their children.... The
 |  prevention of the faculty and opportunity to procreate on
 |  the part of the physically degenerate and mentally sick,
 |  over a period of only 600 years, would ... free humanity
 |  from an immeasurable misfortune." See #1
 |
 |  "The per capita income gap between the developed and the
 |  developing countries is increasing, in large part the result
 |  of higher birth rates in the poorer countries.... Famine in
 |  India, unwanted babies in the United States, poverty that
 |  seemed to form an unbreakable chain for millions of people
 |  -- how should we tackle these problems?.... It is quite
 |  clear that one of the major challenges of the 1970s ... will
 |  be to curb the world's fertility."
 |
 |  These two quotations are alike in their mock show of concern
 |  for human suffering, and in their cynical remedy for it: Big
 |  Brother must prevent the "unworthy" or "unwanted" people
 |  from living.
 |
 |  Let us now further inquire into the family background of our
 |  President, so as to help illustrate how the second quoted
 |  author, "George Bush" [1]  came to share the outlook of the
 |  first, "Adolf Hitler". [2] 
 |
 |  We shall examine here the alliance of the Bush family with
 |  three other families: "Farish, Draper" and "Gray."
 |
 |  The private associations among these families have led to
 |  the President's relationship to his closest, most
 |  confidential advisers. These alliances were forged in the
 |  earlier Hitler project and its immediate aftermath.
 |  Understanding them will help us to explain George Bush's
 |  obsession with the supposed overpopulation of the world's
 |  non-Anglo-Saxons, and the dangerous means he has adopted to
 |  deal with this "problem."
 |
 |  Bush and Farish
 |
 |  When George Bush was elected vice president in 1980, Texas
 |  mystery man William Stamps Farish III took over management
 |  of all of George Bush's personal wealth in a "blind trust."
 |  Known as one of the richest men in Texas, Will Farish keeps
 |  his business affairs under the most intense secrecy. Only
 |  the source of his immense wealth is known, not its
 |  employment. [3] 
 |
 |  Will Farish has long been Bush's closest friend and
 |  confidante. He is also the unique private host to Britain's
 |  Queen Elizabeth: Farish owns and boards the studs which mate
 |  with the Queen's mares. That is her public rationale when
 |  she comes to America and stays in Farish's house. It is a
 |  vital link in the mind of our Anglophile President.
 |
 |  President Bush can count on Farish not to betray the violent
 |  secrets surrounding the Bush family money. For Farish's own
 |  family fortune was made in the same Hitler project, in a
 |  nightmarish partnership with George Bush's father.
 |
 |  On March 25, 1942, U.S. Assistant Attorney General Thurman
 |  Arnold announced that William Stamps Farish (grandfather of
 |  the President's money manager) had pleaded "no contest" to
 |  charges of criminal conspiracy with the Nazis. Farish was
 |  the principal manager of a worldwide cartel between Standard
 |  Oil Co. of New Jersey and the I.G. Farben concern. The
 |  merged enterprise had opened the Auschwitz slave labor camp
 |  on June 14, 1940, to produce artificial rubber and gasoline
 |  from coal. The Hitler government supplied political
 |  opponents and Jews as the slaves, who were worked to near
 |  death and then murdered.
 |
 |  Arnold disclosed that Standard Oil of New Jersey (later
 |  known as Exxon), of which Farish was president and chief
 |  executive, had agreed to stop hiding from the United States
 |  patents for artificial rubber which the company had provided
 |  to the Nazis. [4] 
 |
 |  A Senate investigating committee under Senator (later U.S.
 |  President) Harry Truman of Missouri had called Arnold to
 |  testify at hearings on corporations' collaboration with the
 |  Nazis. The Senators expressed outrage at the cynical way
 |  Farish was continuing an alliance with the Hitler regime
 |  that had begun back in 1933, when Farish became chief of
 |  Jersey Standard. Didn't he know there was a war on?
 |
 |  The Justice Department laid before the committee a letter,
 |  written to Standard president Farish by his vice president,
 |  shortly after the beginning of World War II (September 1,
 |  1939) in Europe. The letter concerned a renewal of their
 |  earlier agreements with the Nazis:
 |
 |  Report on European Trip Oct. 12, 1939 Mr. W.S. Farish 30
 |  Rockefeller Plaza
 |
 |  Dear Mr. Farish:
 |
 |  ... I stayed in France until Sept. 17th.... In England I met
 |  by appointment the Royal Dutch [Shell Oil Co.] gentlemen
 |  from Holland, and ... a general agreement was reached on the
 |  necessary changes in our relations with the I.G. [Farben],
 |  in view of the state of war.... [T]he Royal Dutch Shell
 |  group is essentially British.... I also had several meetings
 |  with ... the [British] Air Ministry....
 |
 |  I required help to obtain the necessary permission to go to
 |  Holland.... After discussions with the [American] Ambassador
 |  [Joseph Kennedy] .. the situation was cleared completely....
 |  The gentlemen in the Air Ministry ... very kindly offered to
 |  assist me [later] in reentering England....
 |
 |  Pursuant to these arrangements, I was able to keep my
 |  appointments in Holland [having flown there on a British
 |  Royal Air Force bomber], where I had three days of
 |  discussion with the representatives of I.G. They delivered
 |  to me assignments of some 2,000 foreign patents and "we did
 |  our best to work out complete plans for a modus vivendi
 |  which could operate through the term of the war, whether or
 |  not the U.S. came in...." [emphasis added]
 |
 |  Very truly yours, F[rank] A. Howard [5] 
 |
 |  Here are some cold realities behind the tragedy of World War
 |  II, which help explain the Bush-Farish family alliance --
 |  andtheir peculiar closeness to the Queen of England:
 |
 |     *  Shell Oil is principally owned by the British Royal
 |  family. Shell's chairman, Sir Henri Deterding, helped
 |  sponsor Hitler's rise to power, [6]  by arrangement with the
 |  Royal Family's Bank of England Governor, Montagu Norman.
 |  Their ally, Standard Oil, would take part in the Hitler
 |  project right up to the bloody, gruesome end.
 |
 |     *  When grandfather Farish signed the Justice
 |  Department's consent decree in March 1942, the government
 |  had already started picking its way through the tangled web
 |  of world-monopoly oil and chemical agreements between
 |  Standard Oil and the Nazis. Many patents and other
 |  Nazi-owned aspects of the partnership had been seized by the
 |  U.S. Alien Property Custodian.
 |
 |  Uncle Sam would not seize Prescott Bush's Union Banking
 |  Corporation for another seven months.
 |
 |  The Bush-Farish axis had begun back in 1929. In that year,
 |  the Harriman bank bought Dresser Industries, supplier of
 |  oil-pipeline couplers to Standard and other companies.
 |  Prescott Bush became a director and financial czar of
 |  Dresser, installing his Yale classmate Neil Mallon as
 |  chairman. [7]  George Bush would later name one of his sons
 |  after the Dresser executive.
 |
 |  William S. Farish was the main organizer of the Humble Oil
 |  Co. of Texas, which Farish merged into the Standard Oil
 |  Company of New Jersey. Farish built up the Humble-Standard
 |  empire of pipelines and refineries in Texas. [8] 
 |
 |  The stock market crashed just after the Bush family got into
 |  the oil business. The world financial crisis led to the
 |  merger of the Walker-Harriman bank with Brown Brothers in
 |  1931. Former Brown partner Montagu Norman and his protege
 |  Hjalmar Schacht, who was to become Hitler's economics
 |  minister, paid frantic visits to New York that year and the
 |  next, preparing the new Hitler regime for Germany.
 |
 |  The Congress on Eugenics
 |
 |  The most important American political event in those
 |  preparations for Hitler was the infamous Third International
 |  Congress on Eugenics, held at New York's American Museum of
 |  Natural History August 21-23, 1932, supervised by the
 |  International Federation of Eugenics Societies. [9]  This
 |  meeting took up the stubborn persistence of
 |  African-Americans and other allegedly "inferior" and
 |  "socially inadequate" groups in reproducing, expanding their
 |  numbers, and "amalgamating" with others. It was recommended
 |  that these "dangers" to the "better" ethnic groups and to
 |  the "well-born," could be dealt with by sterilization or
 |  "cutting off the bad stock" of the "unfit."
 |
 |  Italy's fascist government sent an official representative.
 |  Averell Harriman's sister Mary, director of "entertainment"
 |  for the Congress, lived down in Virginia fox-hunting
 |  country; her state supplied the speaker on "racial purity,"
 |  W.A. Plecker, Virginia commissioner of vital statistics.
 |  Plecker reportedly held the delegates spellbound with his
 |  account of the struggle to stop race-mixing and interracial
 |  sex in Virginia.
 |
 |  The Congress proceedings were dedicated to Averell
 |  Harriman's mother; she had paid for the founding of the
 |  race-science movement in America back in 1910, building the
 |  Eugenics Record Office as a branch of the Galton National
 |  Laboratory in London. She and other Harrimans were usually
 |  escorted to the horse races by old George Herbert Walker --
 |  they shared with the Bushes and the Farishes a fascination
 |  with "breeding thoroughbreds" among horses and humans. [10] 
 |
 |  Averell Harriman personally arranged with the Walker/Bush
 |  Hamburg-Amerika Line to transport Nazi ideologues from
 |  Germany to New York for this meeting. [11]  The most famous
 |  among those transported was Dr. Ernst Rudin, psychiatrist at
 |  the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Genealogy and Demography in
 |  Berlin, where the Rockefeller family paid for Dr. Rudin to
 |  occupy an entire floor with his eugenics "research." Dr.
 |  Rudin had addressed the International Federation's 1928
 |  Munich meeting, speaking on "Mental Aberration and Race
 |  Hygiene," while others (Germans and Americans) spoke on
 |  race-mixing and sterilization of the unfit. Rudin had led
 |  the German delegation to the 1930 Mental Hygiene Congress in
 |  Washington, D.C.
 |
 |  At the Harrimans' 1932 New York Eugenics Congress, Ernst
 |  Rudin was unanimously elected President of the International
 |  Federation of Eugenics Societies. This was recognition of
 |  Rudin as founder of the German Society for Race Hygiene,
 |  with his co-founder, Eugenics Federation vice president
 |  Alfred Ploetz.
 |
 |  As depression-maddened financiers schemed in Berlin and New
 |  York, Rudin was now official leader of the world eugenics
 |  movement. Components of his movement included groups with
 |  overlapping leadership, dedicated to:
 |
 |     *  sterilization of mental patients ("mental hygiene
 |  societies");
 |
 |     *  execution of the insane, criminals and the terminally
 |  ill ("euthanasia societies"); and
 |
 |     *  eugenical race-purification by prevention of births to
 |  parents from inferior blood stocks ("birth control
 |  societies").
 |
 |  Before the Auschwitz death camp became a household word,
 |  these British-American-European groups called openly for the
 |  elimination of the "unfit" by means including force and
 |  violence. [12] 
 |
 |  Ten months later, in June 1933, Hitler's interior minister
 |  Wilhelm Frick spoke to a eugenics meeting in the new Third
 |  Reich. Frick called the Germans a "degenerate" race,
 |  denouncing one-fifth of Germany's parents for producing
 |  "feeble-minded" and "defective" children. The following
 |  month, on a commission by Frick, Dr. Ernst Rudin wrote the
 |  "Law for the Prevention of Hereditary Diseases in
 |  Posterity," the sterilization law modeled on previous U.S.
 |  statutes in Virginia and other states.
 |
 |  Special courts were soon established for the sterilization
 |  of German mental patients, the blind, the deaf, and
 |  alcoholics. A quarter million people in these categories
 |  were sterilized. Rudin, Ploetz, and their colleagues trained
 |  a whole generation of physicians and psychiatrists -- as
 |  sterilizers and as killers.
 |
 |  When the war started, the eugenicists, doctors, and
 |  psychiatrists staffed the new "T4" agency, which planned and
 |  supervised the mass killings: first at "euthanasia centers,"
 |  where the same categories which had first been subject to
 |  sterilization were now to be murdered, their brains sent in
 |  lots of 200 to experimental psychiatrists; then at slave
 |  camps such as Auschwitz; and finally, for Jews and other
 |  race victims, at straight extermination camps in Poland,
 |  such as Treblinka and Belsen. [13] 
 |
 |  In 1933, as what Hitler called his "New Order" appeared,
 |  John D. Rockefeller, Jr. appointed William S. Farish the
 |  chairman of Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey (in 1937 he was
 |  made president and chief executive). Farish moved his
 |  offices to Rockefeller Center, New York, where he spent a
 |  good deal of time with Hermann Schmitz, chairman of I.G.
 |  Farben; his company paid a publicity man, Ivy Lee, to write
 |  pro-I.G. Farben and pro-Nazi propaganda and get it into the
 |  U.S. press.
 |
 |  Now that he was outside of Texas, Farish found himself in
 |  the shipping business -- like the Bush family. He hired Nazi
 |  German crews for Standard Oil tankers. And he hired "Emil
 |  Helfferich," chairman of the Walker/Bush/Harriman
 |  Hamburg-Amerika Line, as chairman also of the Standard Oil
 |  Company subsidiary in Germany. Karl Lindemann, board member
 |  of Hamburg-Amerika, also became a top Farish-Standard
 |  executive in Germany. [14] 
 |
 |  This interlock between their Nazi German operations put
 |  Farish together with Prescott Bush in a small, select group
 |  of men operating from abroad through Hitler's "revolution,"
 |  and calculating that they would never be punished.
 |
 |  In 1939, Farish's daughter Martha married Averell Harriman's
 |  nephew, Edward Harriman Gerry, and Farish in-laws became
 |  Prescott Bush's partners at 59 Broadway. [15] 
 |
 |  Both Emil Helfferich and Karl Lindemann were authorized to
 |  write checks to Heinrich Himmler, chief of the Nazi SS, on a
 |  special Standard Oil account. This account was managed by
 |  the German-British-American banker, Kurt von Schroeder.
 |  According to U.S. intelligence d ocuments reviewed by author
 |  Anthony Sutton, Helfferich continued his payments to the SS
 |  into 1944, when the SS was supervising the mass murder at
 |  the Standard-I.G. Farben Auschwitz and other death camps.
 |  Helfferich told Allied interrogators after the war that
 |  these were not his personal contributions -- they were
 |  corporate Standard Oil funds. [16] 
 |
 |  After pleading "no contest" to charges of criminal
 |  conspiracy with the Nazis, William Stamps Farish was fined
 |  $5,000. (Similar fines were levied against Standard Oil --
 |  $5,000 each for the parent company and for several
 |  subsidiaries.) This of course did not interfere with the
 |  millions of dollars that Farish had acquired in conjunction
 |  with Hitler's New Order, as a large stockholder, chairman,
 |  and president of Standard Oil. All the government sought was
 |  the use of patents which his company had given to the Nazis
 |  -- the Auschwitz patents -- but had withheld from the U.S.
 |  military and industry.
 |
 |  But a war was on, and if young men were to be asked to die
 |  fighting Hitler .. something more was needed. Farish was
 |  hauled before the Senate committee investigating the
 |  national defense program. The committee chairman, Senator
 |  Harry Truman, told newsmen before Farish testified: "I think
 |  this approaches treason." [17] 
 |
 |  Farish began breaking apart at these hearings. He shouted
 |  his "indignation" at the senators, and claimed he was not
 |  "disloyal."
 |
 |  After the March-April hearings ended, more dirt came gushing
 |  out of the Justice Department and the Congress on Farish and
 |  Standard Oil. Farish had deceived the U.S. Navy to prevent
 |  the Navy from acquiring certain patents, while supplying
 |  them to the Nazi war machine; meanwhile, he was supplying
 |  gasoline and tetraethyl lead to Germany's submarines and air
 |  force. Communications between Standard and I.G. Farben from
 |  the outbreak of World War II were released to the Senate,
 |  showing that Farish's organization had arranged to deceive
 |  the U.S. government into passing over Nazi-owned assets:
 |  They would nominally buy I.G.'s share in certain patents
 |  because "in the event of war between ourselves and Germany
 |  ... it would certainly be very undesireable to have this 20
 |  percent Standard-I.G. pass to an alien property custodian of
 |  the U.S. who might sell it to an unfriendly interest." [18] 
 |
 |  John D. Rockefeller, Jr. (father of David, Nelson, and John
 |  D. Rockefeller III), the controlling owner of Standard Oil,
 |  told the Roosevelt administration that he knew nothing of
 |  the day-to-day affairs of his company, that all these
 |  matters were handled by Farish and other executives. [19] 
 |
 |  In August, Farish was brought back for more testimony. He
 |  was now frequently accused of lying. Farish was crushed
 |  under the intense, public grilling; he became morose, ashen.
 |  While Prescott Bush escaped publicity when the government
 |  seized his Nazi banking organization in October, Farish had
 |  been nailed. He collapsed and died of a heart attack on
 |  November 29, 1942.
 |
 |  The Farish family was devastated by the exposure. Son
 |  William Stamps Farish, Jr., a lieutenant in the Army Air
 |  Force, was humiliated by the public knowledge that his
 |  father was fueling the enemy's aircraft; he died in a
 |  training accident in Texas six months later. [20] 
 |
 |  With this double death, the fortune comprising much of
 |  Standard Oil's profits from Texas and Nazi Germany was now
 |  to be settled upon the little four-year-old grandson,
 |  William ("Will") Stamps Farish III. Will Farish grew up a
 |  recluse, the most secretive multimillionaire in Texas, with
 |  investments of "that money" in a multitude of foreign
 |  countries, and a host of exotic contacts overlapping the
 |  intelligence and financial worlds -- particularly in
 |  Britain.
 |
 |  The Bush-Farish axis started George Bush's career. After his
 |  1948 graduation from Yale (and the Skull and Bones secret
 |  society), George Bush flew down to Texas on a corporate jet
 |  and was employed by his father's Dresser Industries. In a
 |  couple of years he got help from his uncle, George Walker,
 |  Jr., and Farish's British banker friends, to set him up in
 |  the oil property speculation business. Soon thereafter,
 |  George Bush founded the Zapata Oil Company, which put oil
 |  drilling rigs into certain locations of great strategic
 |  interest to the Anglo-American intelligence community.
 |
 |  Twenty-five-year-old Will Farish was personal aide to Zapata
 |  chairman George Bush in Bush's unsuccessful 1964 campaign
 |  for Senate. Farish used "that Auschwitz money" to back
 |  George Bush financially, investing in Zapata. When Bush was
 |  elected to Congress in 1966, Farish joined the Zapata board.
 |  [21] 
 |
 |  When George Bush became U.S. vice president in 1980, the
 |  Farish and Bush family fortunes were again completely,
 |  secretly commingled. As we shall see, the old projects were
 |  now being revived on a breathtaking scale.
 |
 |  Bush and Draper
 |
 |  Twenty years before he was U.S. President, George Bush
 |  brought two "race-science" professors in front of the
 |  Republican Task Force on Earth Resources and Population. As
 |  chairman of the Task Force, then-Congressman Bush invited
 |  Professors William Shockley and Arthur Jensen to explain to
 |  the committee how allegedly runaway birth-rates for
 |  African-Americans were "down-breeding" the American
 |  population.
 |
 |  Afterwards, Bush personally summed up for the Congress the
 |  testimony his black-inferiority advocates had given to the
 |  Task Force. [22]  George Bush held his hearings on the
 |  threat posed by black babies on August 5, 1969, while much
 |  of the world was in a better frame of mind -- celebrating
 |  mankind's progress from the first moon landing 16 days
 |  earlier. Bush's obsessive thinking on this subject was
 |  guided by his family's friend, Gen. William H. Draper, Jr.,
 |  the founder and chairman of the Population Crisis Committee,
 |  and vice chairman of the Planned Parenthood Federation.
 |  Draper had long been steering U.S. public discussion about
 |  the so-called "population bomb" in the non-white areas of
 |  the world.
 |
 |  If Congressman Bush had explained to his colleagues "how his
 |  family had come to know General Draper," they would perhaps
 |  have felt some alarm, or even panic, and paid more healthy
 |  attention to Bush's presentation. Unfortunately, the
 |  Draper-Bush population doctrine is now official U.S. foreign
 |  policy.
 |
 |  William H. Draper, Jr. had joined the Bush team in 1927,
 |  when he was hired by Dillon Read & Co., New York investment
 |  bankers. Draper was put into a new job slot at the firm:
 |  handling the Thyssen account.
 |
 |  We recall that in 1924, Fritz Thyssen set up his Union
 |  Banking Corporation in George Herbert Walker's bank at 39
 |  Broadway, Manhattan. Dillon Read & Co.'s boss, Clarence
 |  Dillon, had begun working with Fritz Thyssen some time after
 |  Averell Harriman first met with Thyssen -- at about the time
 |  Thyssen began financing Adolf Hitler's political career.
 |
 |  In January 1926, Dillon Read created the "German Credit and
 |  Investment Corporation" in Newark, New Jersey and Berlin,
 |  Germany, as Thyssen's short-term banker. That same year,
 |  Dillon Read created the "Vereinigte Stahlwerke" (German
 |  Steel Trust), incorporating the Thyssen family interests
 |  under the direction of New York and London finance. [23] 
 |
 |  William H. Draper, Jr. was made director, vice president,
 |  and assistant treasurer of the German Credit and Investment
 |  Corp. His business was short-term loans and financial
 |  management tricks for Thyssen and the German Steel Trust.
 |  Draper's clients sponsored Hitler's terroristic takeover;
 |  his clients led the buildup of the Nazi war industry; his
 |  clients made war against the United States. The Nazis were
 |  Draper's direct partners in Berlin and New Jersey: Alexander
 |  Kreuter, residing in Berlin, was president; Frederic Brandi,
 |  whose father was a top coal executive in the German Steel
 |  Trust, moved to the United States in 1926 and served as
 |  Draper's co-director in Newark.
 |
 |  Draper's role was crucial for Dillon Read & Co., for whom
 |  Draper was a partner and eventually vice president. The
 |  German Credit and Investment Corp. (GCI) was a "front" for
 |  Dillon Read: It had the same New Jersey address as U.S. &
 |  International Securities Corp. (USIS), and the same man
 |  served as treasu rer of both firms. [24] 
 |
 |  Clarence Dillon and his son C. Douglas Dillon were directors
 |  of USIS, which was  spotlighted when Clarence Dillon was
 |  hauled before the Senate Banking Committee's famous "Pecora"
 |  hearings in 1933. USIS was shown to be one of the great
 |  speculative pyramid schemes which had swindled stockholders
 |  of hundreds of millions of dollars. These investment
 |  policies had rotted the U.S. economy to the core, and led to
 |  the Great Depression of the 1930s.
 |
 |  But William H. Draper, Jr.'s GCI "front" was not
 |  "apparently" affiliated with the USIS "front" or with
 |  Dillon, and the GCI escaped the congressmen's limited
 |  scrutiny. This oversight was to prove most unfortunate,
 |  particularly to the 50 million people who subsequently died
 |  in World War II.
 |
 |  Dillon Read hired public relations man Ivy Lee to prepare
 |  their executives for their testimony and to confuse and
 |  further baffle the congressmen. [25]  Lee apparently took
 |  enough time out from his duties as image-maker for William
 |  S. Farish and the Nazi I.G. Farben Co.; he managed the
 |  congressional thinking so that the congressmen did not
 |  disturb the Draper operation in Germany -- and did not
 |  meddle with Thyssen, or interfere with Hitler's U.S.
 |  moneymen.
 |
 |  Thus, in 1932, Willam H. Draper, Jr. was free to finance the
 |  International Eugenics Congress as a "Supporting Member."
 |  [26]  Was he using his own income as a Thyssen trust banker?
 |  Or did the funds come from Dillon Read corporate accounts,
 |  perhaps to be written off income tax as "expenses for German
 |  project: race purification"? Draper helped select Ernst
 |  Rudin as chief of the world eugenics movement, who used his
 |  office to promote what he called Adolf Hitler's "holy,
 |  national and international racial hygienic mission." [27] 
 |
 |  W.S. Farish was publicly exposed in 1942, humiliated and
 |  destroyed. Just before Farish died, Prescott Bush's Nazi
 |  banking office was quietly seized and shut down. But
 |  Prescott's close friend and partner in the Thyssen-Hitler
 |  business, William H. Draper, Jr., "neither died nor moved
 |  out of German affairs." Draper listed himself as a director
 |  of the German Credit and Investment Corp. through 1942, and
 |  the firm was not liquidated until November 1943. [28]  But a
 |  war was on. Draper, a colonel from previous military
 |  service, went off to the Pacific theater and became a
 |  general.
 |
 |  General Draper apparently had a hobby: magic -- illusions,
 |  sleight of hand, etc. -- and he was a member of the Society
 |  of American Magicians. This is not irrelevant to his
 |  subsequent career.
 |
 |  The Nazi regime surrendered in May 1945. In July 1945,
 |  General Draper was called to Europe by the American military
 |  government authorities in Germany. Draper was appointed head
 |  of the Economics Division of the U.S. Control Commission. He
 |  was assigned to take apart the Nazi corporate cartels. There
 |  is an astonishing but perfectly logical rationale to this --
 |  Draper knew a lot about the subject! General Draper, who had
 |  spent about 15 years financing and managing the dirtiest of
 |  the Nazi enterprises, was now authorized to decide "who was
 |  exposed, who lost and who kept his business, and in
 |  practical effect, who was prosecuted for war crimes." [29] 
 |
 |  (Draper was not unique within the postwar occupation
 |  government. Consider the case of John J. McCloy, U.S.
 |  Military Governor and High Commissioner of Germany,
 |  1949-1952. Under instructions from his Wall Street law firm,
 |  McCloy had lived for a year in Italy, serving as an adviser
 |  to the fascist government of Benito Mussolini. An intimate
 |  collaborator of the Harriman/Bush bank, McCloy had sat in
 |  Adolf Hitler's box at the 1936 Olympic games in Berlin, at
 |  the invitation of Nazi chieftains Rudolf Hess and Hermann
 |  Goering.) [30] 
 |
 |  William H. Draper, Jr., as a "conservative," was paired with
 |  the "liberal" U.S. Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau in a
 |  vicious game. Morgenthau demanded that Germany be utterly
 |  destroyed as a nation, that its industry be dismantled and
 |  it be reduced to a purely rural country. As the economic
 |  boss in 1945 and 1946, Draper "protected" Germany from the
 |  Morgenthau Plan ... but at a price.
 |
 |  Draper and his colleagues demanded that Germany and the
 |  world accept the "collective guilt of the German people" as
 |  "the "explanation for the rise of Hitler's New Order, and
 |  the Nazi war crimes. This, of course, was rather convenient
 |  for General Draper himself, as it was for the Bush family.
 |  It is still convenient decades later, allowing Prescott's
 |  son, President Bush, to lecture Germany on the danger of
 |  Hitlerism. Germans are too slow, it seems, to accept his New
 |  World Order.
 |
 |  After several years of government service (often working
 |  directly for Averell Harriman in the North Atlantic
 |  Alliance), Draper was appointed in 1958 chairman of a
 |  committee which was to advise President Dwight Eisenhower on
 |  the proper course for U.S. military aid to other countries.
 |  At that time, Prescott Bush was a U.S. senator from
 |  Connecticut, a confidential friend and golf partner with
 |  National Security Director Gordon Gray, and an important
 |  golf partner with Dwight Eisenhower as well. Prescott's old
 |  lawyer from the Nazi days, John Foster Dulles, was Secretary
 |  of State, and his brother Allen Dulles, formerly of the
 |  Schroder bank, was head of the CIA.
 |
 |  This friendly environment emboldened our General Draper to
 |  pull off a stunt with his military aid advisery committee.
 |  He changed the subject under study. The following year, the
 |  Draper committee recommended that the U.S. government react
 |  to the supposed threat of the "population explosion" by
 |  formulating plans to depopulate the poorer countries. The
 |  growth of the world's non-white population, he proposed,
 |  should be regarded as dangerous to the national security of
 |  the United States! [31] 
 |
 |  President Eisenhower rejected the recommendation. But in the
 |  next decade, General Draper founded the "Population Crisis
 |  Committee" and the "Draper Fund," joining with the
 |  Rockefeller and DuPont families to promote eugenics as
 |  "population control." The administration of President Lyndon
 |  Johnson, advised by Draper on the subject, began financing
 |  birth control in the tropical countries through the Agency
 |  for International Development.
 |
 |  General William Draper was George Bush's guru on the
 |  population question. [32]  But there was also Draper's money
 |  -- from that uniquely horrible source -- and Draper's
 |  connections on Wall Street and abroad. Draper's son and
 |  heir, William H. Draper III, was co-chairman for finance
 |  (chief of fundraising) of the Bush-for-President national
 |  campaign organization in 1980. With George Bush in the White
 |  House, the younger Draper heads up the depopulation
 |  activities of the United Nations throughout the world.
 |
 |  Draper was vice president of Dillon Read until 1953. During
 |  the 1950s and 1960s, the chief executive there was Frederic
 |  Brandi, the German who was Draper's co-director for the Nazi
 |  investments and his personal contact man with the Nazi Steel
 |  Trust. Nicholas Brady was Brandi's partner from 1954, and
 |  replaced him as the firm's chief executive in 1971. Nicholas
 |  Brady, who knows where all the bodies are buried, was
 |  chairman of his friend George Bush's 1980 election campaign
 |  in New Jersey, an